The famous history of Herodotus - Book 1 (Clio)

The famous history of Herodotus, containing the discourse of diverse countries, the succession of their kings, the acts and exploits achieved by them, the laws and customs of every nation, with the true description and antiquity of the same, divided into nine books, entitled with the names of the nine Muses. At London printed by Thomas Marshe. 1584.

To the right excellent and vertuous Gentleman Master Robert Dormer, son to the noble Knight Sir Willliam Dormer, B. R. wishes increase of worship, with the favour of God.

Prettily was it answered of Praxiteles (right worshipful) who being demanded which of both were most to be esteemed the Painter or the writer of Histories: whether of the two would you choose (quoted he) to be dumb and make a sign aptly, or to have the use of your tongue, and tell your tale fitly? so that himself being a Painter, and the science so greatly regarded as then it was, yet being made a judge of two notable sciences, he thought meetr to derogate something from his own art, then to defame a better. Such were the days then, and the people so far enamoured with the Art of Painting, that to have skill in the draught of shadows, and the apt framing of pictures, was deemed the best quallity that could rest in a Gentleman: touching which, we may welll say as did Parrhasius, who painting one that ran in a race, and not able to make him sweat, added this for a note, No farther then colours. So that Praxiteles with his pencil shall make the sign, and being not understood, Herodotus shall tell his tale, by means whereof, that which wants in the one, shall be so plentifuly supplied in the other, that despising the Painter for setting down to little, we shall suspect the writer for allledging to much, finding fault with one for obscurity, and in the other fearing flattery. So lively in many things, and so evident in alll things is the pleasant discourse of histories, that a better counterfait may be drawn with two penfull of ink in Herodotus tale, then with two pot full of colours in Apelles’ table. But to leave the Painter to his colours, it was fitly said of Cicero, that to know no more then that which was done in his own time, were still to be a child, meaning that the chiefst part of wisdom by the which we farthest surmount the bounds of childish ignorance, is to be welll seen in stories, out of the which, whether more profit or pleasure redound to those that read them, it is hard to say. For what greater commodity may There be, then to fit ourselves with sundry sorts of examples, to direct our wits, to frame our manners, to govern the course of our whole lives, an infinite number whereof are offered in stories to the singulare profite of the posterity. Virtue blased with excellency, vice defaced with infamy, famous cities utterly destrothed, smalll towns highly advanced, ancient friendship turned to enmity, mortall hatred converted to amity, free cities brought under tribute, and such as were tributary, restored to freedom, briefly, alll things in stories, that may either for profite avail the reader, or for pleasure delight him. It is left to memory of Scipio Africanus, a noble Gentleman of Rome, that seeking to ensue the example of Cyrus which was fained by Xenophon, he achieved that fame of wisdom and vallure as few had attained before him. The like happened to Selimus prince of the Turks, whose ancestors hating stories, he caused the acts of Caesar to be drawn into his mothertongue, and by his example, subdued a great part of Asia and Africa. And Cæsar himself had never aspired to the type of so great renown, but by following of Allexander, reading whose victories, he brast out into tears, forsomuch as at the same age whereat Allexander had subdued the whole world, himself had done nothing worthy of memory. The delight we receive by reading histories, is every way singulare, a sovereign medicine for the cares of the mind, a speedy remedy for the grieves of the body. So that Allphonsus King of Spain, left by Phisic as incurable, recovered his heallth by reading Livy. In which kind of delightsome vein, since of alll other Herodotus most excells, both for the pleasant course of the story, and the plentiful knowledge contained Therein, I thought him not unfit at his first entry into England, to grow in favour with so noble a Gentleman, by whose countenance gaining credit, he may with great shame and greater acceptaunce adventure into the hands of such as shall read him. I leave him Therefore in your worship’s hands to entertain as a stranger, and as he deserves to make him familiar, not forgetting to wish him good fortune as a foreigner, and to yourself increase of fame, and the favour of God to your lives’ end.

Your Worship’s most dutifull to command, B. R.

To the Gentlemen Readers.

Right courteous Gentlemen, we have brought out of Greece into England two of the Muses, Clio and Euterpe, as desirous to see the land as to learn the language; whom I trust you willl use welll because they be women, and you cannot abuse them because you be Gentlemen. As these speed so the rest willl follow, neither altogeThere unwillling to forsake their own Country, nor yetoverhasty to arrive into this, reposing the end of their counsaile in the proof of your courtesy. If you like them not for the attire they wear, yet bid them wellcome for the news they bring, which I confess are in many points strange, but for the most part true. The first of these has travelled through three Countries of ancient fame, Lydia, Persia, and Assyria, making report of alll such things as in the same are either memorable for antiquity, or famous for excellency. The second either gained ability to travel far, or more pleasuring in that Country, kept residence in Egypt, where she found the people so witty, the Country so wonderful, alll things so strange,and differing from the common course of nature, that abiding There, she thought Egipt to have greater store of myracles, then alll the world beside. Wherefore traveling to no place but to Egipt, she telleth no news but out of Egipt, howbeit, in such exquisite manner, that for the Country, the people, the princes, the laws, the course of alll antiquity, hearing her, you willl desire no more. Neither of these are braved out in their colours as the use is now today, and yet so seemly, as either you willl love them because they are modest, or not mislike them because they are not impudent, since in refusing idle pearls to make them seem gawdy, they reject not modest apparrel to cause them go comely. The truth is (Gentlemen) in making them new attire, I was fain to take example by their old array, cutting out my cloth by another man’s measure, being great difference whether we invent a fashion of our own, or imitate a righttern set down by another. Which I speak not to this end, for that myself could have done more eloquently in English then our Author has in Greeke, but that the course of his writing being most sweet in Greeke, converted into English, loses a great part of his grace. Howsoever the case stands Gentlemen, if it be not so welll as it might be, I would it were better than it is, wishing the best Albeit I can not attain to the best, yet least I condemn myself before I need, I willl stay upon the censure and opinion of others when the time shall come. Till when, and ever, leaving you to God, and the good success of your affairs, I end.

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Your very friend. B. R.

Herodotus his First Book Entitled Clio.

Herodotus being of the  city of Hallicarnassus in Greece wrote and compiled an history to the end, that neither tract of time might overwhelm and bury in silence the acts of human kind: nor the worthy, and renowned adventures of the Greeks and Barbarians (as welll other as chiefly those that were done in war) might want the due rewarred of immortall fame. The Persian writers witness that  first cause of debate and controversy to have come by the people called Phaenices who sailing from the red sea into this of Greece, and inhabiting the self same regions which at this time also they hold and retain: gave themselves to long vagaries and continvall voyages by sea. In which season by trade of merchandise brought from Egypt and Assyria, as in many other countries, so also they arrived at Argos. Argos at the same time was the most noble and famous city in Greece. Whithere the Phaenices directing their course, after they were come, and within the space of four or five days, had made a good hand and riddance  of their wares. It fortuned certain women (in whose company was the King’s daughter, whose name was Io. Born of Inachus) to approach the shore, in mind to survey and contemplate the weallth and substance of these outlandish Merchants. Now in the mean season whiles the women were busy and attentive in praising such things as their fancy lead them, the Phaenices ran violently upon them and having caught Io with some others, they rest exceedingly affrightd, and flying through fear, incontinently weighed ancore and sailed into Egypt. By these means the Persians record that Io first came into Egypt, not as the Phaenices reporte, and that this was the first cause and beginning of injuries. It chanced afterwarred that certain Greeks whose names they knew not taking shore,  and landing at Tyrus, in like manner made a rape of the king’s daughter named Europa. These were the people of Crete, otherwise called the Cretenses. By which means it was cards and cards between them, the one being full met and quit with the other. But in processe of time, the second trespass was also made and committed, by the Grecians, who passing in a gallley by the river Phasis to Aea, a city of Colchis, and having finished the affairs and business for which they came,  carried away Medea daughter to the King, whom the noble gentleman her father eftsones reclaiming by an Haralld of peace, and demanding punishment and revenge on the trespassr: the Grecians made answere, that as by themselves no correction was done for the rape of Io. Even so would they also in this cause go void of smart and escape scot free.

After this  in the second age ensuing Allexander the son of Priamus having notice and advertiseemnt of these things was greatly desirous to steall and purvey himself a wife of the Grecians, not fearing the rigor of Justice, or any manner pain, or chastiseemnt, which they before had utterly refused to bear and sustain.

Having Therefore gotten Helena, and convethed her away it seemed good to the Greeks, to claim by embassery, restitution of the rape and Justice on the ravisher, unto whom the steallth of Medea was objected and answere made that it was not met for them to require either loss or law, which in former time would be ruled by neither. Thus the time heitherto passed on by mutuall pillage between them. But of those things which ensue and follow. Upon these the Persians affirm, the Greeks to have ben the chief authors, who first invaded Asia by the power of war then ever themselves attempted the rule and dominion of Europa.  Reputing it the point of rude and gross injury to steall away women, and the sign of a greater folly to pursue the loss of them: since no wise man would set ought by those that without their own assent and free willl could never have ben stolen. For this cause the Persians allledge how lightly they vallued the loss of their Ladies, whereas the Greeks on the other side, for one silly dame of Lacedemonia, furnished a huge navy and coming into Asia, subverted and brought to ruin the kingdom of Priamus. Since which time they have always thought of the Grecians as of their heavy friends, esteeming themselves somewhat alllied to Asia and the nations of Barbaria, but the Greeks to be strangers, and alliens unto them.

And as touching the course and proceeding of these things, the Persians report on this manner, adding hereto that the first cause of tumult and contention between them arose by the overthrow and destruction of Troy.

With whose assertions the Phaenices agree not about the Lady Io. Whom they flatly deny to have ben carried by them into Egypt in manner of a rape, showing, how that in their abode at Argos, she fortuned to close with the master of a ship, and feeling herself to be sped: fearing and doubting greatly the severity, and cruel tyranny of her Parents, and the detection of her own folly, she willlingly took ship and fled straight away.

Such are the recordes of the Persians, and Phaenicians, of the truth whereof I mean not to discusse.

Only whom I find to have done the first harm and injury to people of Greece of him I determine to speak proceding orderly with the declaration as welll of smalll cities and towns of meanr fortune as of those that are populous and well frequented, for so much as many cities which former ages have known right ample and well peopled, are now falllen to a low ebb: and contrarywise, those which in the compass of our memory were great have heretofore been much less: wherefore knowing the tenor of human felicity to be eftsones variable, and never at one stay, my purpose is to use the examples of either kind.

Craesus  a Lidian born descended of Halyattes, was King of those countries, that lie within the river Halys, which flowing from the south part of the world, between the Syrians and the Paphlagonians, right against the North wind breaks into the sea called Euxinus. Of all the princes Barbarian of whom we have understanding this same Craesus was the chief that made some of the Greeks tributary and other his friends, he subdued the Iones, Aeoles and Doors that dwelll in Asia:  concluding with the Lacedemonians a friendly league of amity. Whereas before him none of the Graecians were ever thrall, or in bondage to any. For as touching the voyage made by the Cymmerians against Ionia, it happened long before the time of Craesus: wherein was used no sacking of cities, no dispoiling of towns: but secret invasions and seizing on the pray. And albeit  in the Country of this noble King Craesus the sovereignty and chief rule were peculiar to the stock of Hercules which were called Heraclidae, yet was it in this order translated to the blood of Craesus whose names were Mernadae Candaules (whom the Greeks calll Silos) was king of Sardis coming of the line and progeny of Alcæus the son of Hercules. The first King of the family of Haeraclidans that reigned in Sardis being named Argon son of Ninus nephew of Belus son to the nephew Alcaeus and the last Candaules the son of Mirsus. Before Argon his reign, they which governed the Country, were the offspring of Lydus the son of Atis,  of whom the whole people took the name of Lydians being before time called the Meonits, of these were the Heraclidans brought up, being born of Hercules and Iardana a bondmaid.  Unto these (by virtue of the oracle) was the signory, and supreme government translated, who held the same for term of five hundred and five years, the son eftsones succeded his father, even unto Candaules the son of Myrsus. This Candaules  was passing well affectioned to his wife, in so much that for the singular love he bare her, he thought her to excell all women in the comly feature of the body. And hereof being himself fully persuaded, he fortuned to fall in talke with Gyges son of Bascylus, one of the chief and principal of his guard (whom also he especially favoured, and not seldom employed him in matters of great weight) advauncing unto him the seemly shape of his wife above measure. In short space after (for the evil hap haunted him) meting with the aforesaid Giges, he began thus.

My faithful servant Gyges, whereas you seems not to credit the large vauntes and often brags which I make of my Lady’s beauty and comliness (the ears of men being much more incredulous then their eyes) behold I willl so bring to pass, that you shall see her naked. Whereat the poor Gentleman greatly abashed, and in no wise willling to assent Thereto, made answere as follows. My Lord (quoth he)  what manner of speech is this which unadvicedly you use in persuading me to behold my lady’s secrets. for a woman you know, the more in sight the less in shame. Who together with her garments lays aside her modesty, honest precepts have ben devised by our elders which we ought to remember, Whereof this is one, that every man ought to behold his own. For mine own part I easily believe you, that of al women in the world, There is none comparable unto her in beauty.

Wherefore I beseeach your grace, to have me excused, if in a case so heynous and unlawful, I somewhat refuse to obey your will. Gyges having in this sort acquitted himself, fearing the danger that might ensue. The King began afresh to reply, saying, My good Gyges, take hart at grace, and fear not, least either myself do go about to examine and feel your meaning by the coloured glose of fained speech, or that the Queen my Lady take occasion to work your displeasure hereby. Pull up your spirits, and leave all to me: it is I that will work the means, whereby she shall never know any part of herself to have ben seen by any creature living. Listen then awhile and give ear to my counsail.

When night is come the door of the chamber wherein we lie being wide set open, I will covertly place the behind the same: straight at my entrance Thereinto, her custom is not to be long after me, directly at her coming in, There stands a bench, Whereat unclothing herself, she accustoms to lay her garments upon it, propounding her divine and angelical body, to be seen and viewed for a long space, this done, as she turns from the bench to bedwarred, her back being towarred him, have care to slip privily out of the doors least happily she espthe you.

The gentleman seing himself taken in a trap, that in no wise he could escape without performance of his Lord’s folly, gave his assent, and at an hour appointed stood in a readiness, whom Candaules closely brought into his chamber: and immediatly after came the Queen: whom Gyges having beheld at his pleasure, when her back was turned crept out of the door, yet not so secretly, but that the Queen had a glimpse of him, and perceived, who he was.

The Lady seeing the fond and undiscrete treachery of her husband made little ado, and seemed as though she had seen nothing. Albeit fully minding to be revenged of the shameless foolish fact of her espoused Lord.

For with the Lydians, and wellnigh also with the rest of the Barbarians, it is a great reproach even for a man to be seen unclothed. Howbeit for the present time she kept silence, making no semblance of her displeasure.

The day following, having assembled certain of her household servants, in whom she had special affurance, Gyges was sent for, who suspecting nothing less then that his deceipt was known: speedily and with all diligence, adressed him to come: being wont also at other times to come to the Queen as often as it pleased her to send for him. Being entred the chamber she began to assail him in these words. Now Gyges of two present ways I give the free choyce which of them both you will take: either to slay the King Candaules and enjoy me with the Kingdom of Lydia: or yourself presently to lose your life. Lest in obeying your Lord in that you ought not, you be henceforth privy to that which you should not. There is no remedy that one of you both must to the pot, either the master or the man, either he which led the hereunto, or yourself that saw me naked, and did those things that were unlawful to be done.

Gyges herewith amazed began first to beseeach her humbly, entreating her not to bind him to so hard a condition. Nevertheless being not hable to persuade her, and seeing it necessary either to murder his Lord, or to be murdered by other, he deemed it the better choice to live himself, addressing his speech to the Queen in this wise. My sovereign Lady (quoth he) since of necessity you compell me to become guilty of the blood of my King, let me hear by what means we shall set upon him: of a truth (said she) our treason shall proceed from the same place from whence he bewrathed my shame. The assault shall be given when he is asleep. The wretched Gentleman heirs to so hard a straight, that either he must slay or be slain, made no delay but followd the Queen into her bed chamber, whom with a naked dagger in his hand, she privily placed behind the same door, from whence Gyges afterwarredes arising bereaved Candaules of his life, and obtained both his wife and his kingdom.  Whereof also Archilocus Parius who was living at the same time makes mention in a verse named lambie. Trimeetr. To be short Gyges proclaimed himself King, and was established in the government by the oracle from Delphos.  For when as the Lydians greatly disdaining at the heavy loss of Candaules, arose, and were alll in armoure, they came to agreement with them that mantaind the cause of Gyges, that where he was pronounced King by the oracle  he should reign in peace: if otherwise the supreme authority should be restored to the blood of Hercules. Counsel being demanded of the oracle: the government and principal authoritthe was assignd to Gyges. Albeit Pithia mingling honey with gall threatened a revenge to come upon the son of Gyges nephew’s nephew: or fifth in line all discent from himself: which saying neither the Lydians, nor their princes any thing regarded until such time as the end had confirmed it. Gyges being in full possession of the Kingdom, sent many gifts to Delphos to the Temple of Apollo,  whereof the greater part were framed of silver, and besides the silver, a mighty sum of Gold. Howbeit amongst divers of his presents one is most worthy of memory: to wit, 6 dishes of gold offered by him weighing therty talents, which were safely guarded in the close treasury of the Corynthians. Albeit (to speak truth) the treasure we speak of, was not proper to the people of Corinth, but rather to Cypselus the son of Ætion.

In this manner was Gyges  the first king of the Barbarians (of whom we have notice) that presented any gifts at the temple of Delphos save only Mydas son to the noble Gordius, and king of Phrigia. For Mydas also consecrated a sumptuous chair of state, wherein he was accustomd to sit and administer Justice very princely and beautiful to behold, which was kept and conserved in the same place where the golden dishes of Gyges lay. The gold and silver offred by Gyges was termd by the people of Delphos Gygeum, or Gygades, taking the name of the giver. Being settled in his imperial dignity he warred against Myletus, and Smyrna, and took the city Colophon by force of arms. Neither any other act besides this was achieved by him, albeit he reignd therty eyght years, we will Therefore pass from him to his son named Ardyis,  who as heir apparent to the crown, succeeded his father in the state royal. Ardyis conquered the Prienensis and invaded Miletus in the time of whose reign the people called Cymmerians dispossessed of their own seats by the Scithians, surnamed Nomades came into Asia, and adventuring upon Sardis the seat of prince Ardyis took the City excepting only the tower and chief castle of defence.

Ardyis having ruled the kingdom forty nine years, then left it afterwarred unto his son and heir, called Sadyattes,  who governed the same the space of twelve years.

After him the Scepter descended to Halyattes,  who joind battle with Cyaxares son of Beioces and his people the Medes, banishing the Cymmerians out of Asia. Moreover by the same was the City Smyrna surprised, lying near unto Colophon, likewise the famous City Clazomenae valiantly assailed, wherefore (notwithstanding) his noble courage was daunted, and he was forced to depart destitute of his hope, other things also were done by him in time of his warfare were worthy of memory: which are these following. In his war with the Milesians left unto him by his father, he practised these means in besieging the City.

In time of haruest the grain being ready for the sickle, he sent in his army marching with the sound of flutes and pipes: which being come into the fields of the enemy, their houses they left untouched, only wasted the trees and fruits of the region, which done, they eftsoones retired to the place, from whence they came. For the Milesians having intelligence of their enemies approach, forsake their city and dwellling houses, and fled to the sea, so that it behoued not the enemy to stay There: his drift and purpose in not spoiling the mansion places of his adversaries, was only this, that the Milesians having place wherein to dwelll, might return again from the sea to till and sow the ground, which might give him occasion to reenter with his power, and bring their labours to no effect.

In this manner he invaded the Country, for term of xi. years, wherein the Milesians suffered two notable foils.

The first in Lemeneium, a place so called in their own Country. The second in a certain field named Meander.

Six of these eleven years did Sadyattes the son of Ardyis reign in Lidya, and beginning the Milefian war, troubled his enemies by perpetual invasions, and often conflicts. For other five years his son Halyattes mantained the quarrel received of his father. In alll the time of this war, none of the people of Ionia gave succour to the Milesians, save only the inhabitants of Chios, who having before time been aidd by them in the battle which they fought with the Erithaeans, showing mutualll goodwill, sent them now a supply in their like extremities. In the xii. year Halyattes despoiling the fields in like sort, as before it chanced that while the corn was on fire, a great tempest arose and carried the flames violently to the temple of Minerva surnamed Assessia, and burnt the pallace of the Goddess wellnigh to the ground. Which thing at that present was lightly regarded of him, but being with his army returned to Sardis, he fell sick, and being much enfeebled with the vehemency of his malady, whether of his own head, or by the counsel of others moved Thereunto, sent to Delphos to the God for the recovery of his health and welfare, when the messengers were come, Pithia refused to give them answear, before they had repaired the temple of Minerva, which the fire had consumed at Assessum. This I heard with mine own ears at Delphos, while I There sojourned. Hereunto the Milesians add besides, that Periander the son of Cypselus, hearing what answear Halyattes had given him by the oracle, in all haste possible disrightched a messenger to Thrasibulus then King of Miletus his faithful and familiar friend to admonish him to work some device, how to deliver himself and his Country from the perpetual molestation of his enemies. Halyattes having received these news, sent incontinent to Miletus for composition of a truce till such time as the temple was renewd and erected again. The ambassadours being arrived Thrasibulus which knew the cause of their coming and understood the purpose of Halyattes framed this device, what Corn soever was in the city either of his own, or in the possession of others, he commanded it all to be brought into the Market place and There to be laid in one heap. This done he gave in special charge to all the City at a privy sign to fall to feasting, tipling and quaffing between themselves above measure. Which thing he devised, to the intent the Sardian ambassadours beholding so great plenty, and aboundance of grain and viewing the people in such wise to disport themselves with all kind of pleasure and delight, might make report Thereof to the king his sovereign which fell out accordingly. For the ambassadours taking diligent view of all things they saw, and disrightching their ambassage to Thrasibulus made speedy recourse to Sardis. And as I am given to understand, hereof only proceedd a conclusion of peace between them.

For Halyattes supposing the Milesians to be oppressed with great want and penury of grain, at the return of his legates heard other news then he looked for. After this, a league was established betwen them of mutual hospitality and fellowship, and instead of one temple, Halyattes, caused 2 other to be sumptuously built at Assessum being after restored to his full and perfect strength. Such was then the manner of the war, that Halyattes maintaind against the people of Miletus,

Periander the son of Sypselus who advertised Thrasibulus of the oracle, was king of Corinth, in whose reign There happened by report of his people, with whom also the citizens of Lesbos do justly accord a miracle right strange and wonderful,  Arion Methimnaeus sitting on the back of a Dolphin by safe and easy conduit, arrived at Taenaros, having the name to be the most excellent and skilful musician on the harp of those times, by whom also chiefly was inuented, named, and taught the kind and form of verse called Ditherambus. The fame is, how this Aryon having a long time been resident in the court of Periander, was greatly desirous to pass the seas into Italy, and Sicily, where being grown in weallth, and flowing with infinite sums of money, was lead by a desire of retiring back into his own Country, and determined ship himself at Tarentum, for the special credite and good liking he had to the men of his own nation, hered a Corinthian barck to return in: which having a galll of pleasant wind, and being now without sight of Land, the Mariners were all in mind to have borded Aryon, to enioy his money: which thing the poor harper perceiving freely offered to depart from his weallth, if Therewith satisfied they would show mercy on himself and spare his life. Howbeit finding then cruely bent, and not to be moved with any tears, but that either he must kill himself, and be buried on the land or fling himself headlong into the mids of the sea: he besought then humbly that since it seemed them best to deal so roughly with him they would grant him liberty in his richest array, to sing a song, whereto they gladly yielding, as being not a little joiful to lend their ears to the chiefst and most famous musician then living on the earth. He went from them apart into the midst of the ship, where having decked his body with most precious and costly furniture he framed his voice to the sweet and melodious verse named Orthium, which no sooner had he brought to an end, but all his pomp and glorious arraimnt, he threw himself headlong into the Sea: the shipmen held on their course to Corinth. Arion received by a Dolphin, was in perfect safety landed at Taenaros fron whence so arrayed as he was he framed his steps towards Corinth to the seat and palace of the king: where having entred a discourse of his strange case and incredible fortune, the king supposing him to overreach, committed him immediately to close warred where no man might have accesse unto him. After that diligent search was made for the mariners, who being apprehended and curiously questioned with about Arion, made answear that his abode was about Italy and how at their coming from thence, they left him in florishing estate at Tarentum, at which words Arion presently appearing, draw them into such a quandary: that having no colour of excuse, they were compelled perforce to confesse the truth. These things are verified by the men of Corinth, and Lesbos. There is yet to be seen at Taenaros a huge and massy monument wrought of brass, Arion sitting on the back of a Dolphin. Howbeit, Halyattes  prince of Lydia having entered the war with the Milesians, and governed the kingdom 57 years finished his days: who second of that lineage, after the due recovery of his strength offered at Delphos a piece of silver plate of value incomparable, and a small dish of iron curiously wrought, a thing no less wonderful to behold then ought that has ben dedicated in the temple of Apollo being the handiwork of Blaucus Chius,  who first found out the mean to work in iron.

After the death of Halyattes, the sceptre descended unto Craesus his son, being then at the age of therty and three years. This King minding to have a fling at the Grecians began first of all, and encountered with the people of Ephesus, who being enveironed by him with a siege: gave their City to the Godss, tying a rope from the temple of Diana to the walls of the Town. Between the old City that was besieged and the Temple was the space of 7. furlongs. These were the first that Craesus began to quarrel with amongst the Grecians. After this he began by piecemeal to be doing with the several cities of Ionia Æolia, pretending against each diuers and fundry causes some very weighty and of due regard, other mere trifles and very frivolous.

Now when he had subdued the Grecians in Asia, and made them tributory to his seat, he determined to furnish a navy against the inhabitants, of the Isles.

To the framing whereof when all things were in readiness, some say that Bias Prienaeus: other that Pittacus Mitylaeneus coming to Sardis, was demanded of the King what news in Greece, who shaped him such an answear, that it gave him fmall courage to proceed in his enterprise.

The people of the Isles, O King (said he) have made provision of a thousand horses, in full purpose to come against you and your City Sardis. Craesus thinking he had spoken truth: Would God (quoth he) it might once take them in the brain to war on horseback against the sons of the Lydians, who taking his talke by the end, proceedd saying.

Most noble Prince, it is your desire to meet with these Sea fishes flooting on shore: and what do you think they more greedy wish and long after, then to take you and your Lidyans wavering and tossing in the water, to look the one the other side, for so many Grecians become subject, and pentionary to your kingdom. Wherewith Craesus very much delighted, (for that he seemed to have fpoken wisely) changed his mind, and made a friendly league with the people of Ionia that held the Isles: in processe of time he became conquerour of all those which are within the river Halys. For besides the Cilicians, and Lisians, all the rest were subject to the Empire of Craesus, which were these. The Lidians, Phrigians, Mysians, Mariandyns, likewise the Chalibes, Paphlagonians, Thrasians, Oetimans, lastly the Biyournians, Carians, Iones, Doors, Æoles, Pamphylians, which being all subdued and the Governement of the Lydians greatly amplified by Craesus, There repaired to Sardis, being then in the flowr of her fortune, as well other wise men out of Greece, termd sophisters, as also the most famous Solon,  one of the City of Athens, who at the instant prayers of his citizens having tempered the common wealth, with good laws, under colour of visiting strange Countries, willlingly for term of years abandoned his native soil, that he might not be forced to break the Laws which he before had made, the Athenians themselves standing bound with a solemn and religious vow for ten years’ space to observe these statutes which Solon had invented, as well then for the maintenance of his laws as to view and see foreign nations, he undertook a pilgrimage into Egypt to King Amasis, and from thence to Sardis to the court of Craesus, where in gentle and courteous manner being entertained by the King at the therd or fourth day, after his arriual he was lead about the treasuries to view the wealth and riches of Craesus, beholding alll the inestimable and blessed jewels that were contained in them. After he had attentiuely beheld and with curiousity surveyed them at his pleasure. Craesus began to bord him on this manner. You Gentleman of Athens, forasmuch as we heard great good words of your wisdom, being for knowledge and experience sake a pilgrim from your Country, we have deemed it convenient to ask you a question, wheThere at any time you have seen the happiest man alive: not mistrusting, but that the lot would have fallen to himself to have exceeded all others in blessedness. Solon not minding to doubt, as one altogeThere unacquainted with pleasing phrases, delivered his mind in free speech, in form as follows.

I have seen O King (quoth he) Tellus,  one of my countrymen of Athens, a man surpassing alll others in happy life, Whereat Craesus wondering, earnestly required what cause made him think so highly of Tellus.

For as much (said he) as in a well ordered commonweallth, he had children, trained up in unity, and honesty, every of which had likewise increase of his own body, and yet all living. And having spent the course of his age, as well as a man might, Fortune crowned his end with the perpetuall renown of a most glorious death. For the Athenians joining in battle with their next neighbours, Tellus coming with a fresh supply, and putting his enemies to flight: ended his life in the field, whom the people of Athens in the self same place where he had shed his blood, caused to be entombed with immortal honour, Solon going forwarred in a large discourse as touching Tellus was cut of by Craesus with a second demand, who askd him the second time, whom in conscience he thought next unto him, in full hope, that at the least his part had been next: to whom he answerd in the next degree.

Most mighty Prince, I have always reputed Cleobis, and Biton two younge men of the Country of Argos, of body so strong and active, that in all games they won the price, of whom these things are left to memory.

The feast of Iuno being kept at Argos, the mother of these two young men was to be drawn to the temple by a yoke of bullocks, which when the back came being strayed and gone out of the way, the two young youths yoked themselves and drawing the chariot forty five furlongs they came to the temple: which after they had done in the sight and view of the whole multitude in a lucky hour they died, whereby the Goddess gave us to understand how much better it was for man to die then live. For when as the people flocking about extolled them to the heavens: the men praising the good nature and intent of the sons: the women commendinge the blessed chance of the mother, whom nature had indued with two such children: the good old mother almost out of her wits for joy, what for the kind deed of her sons and the goodly speech of the people, advauncing their virtue: as she stood before the image of Iuno, besought the Godss with earnest prayers to rewarrede the kindness of her children with the chief and most precious blessing that might happen unto man. Her prayer made, and both the sacrifice and feast ended: they gave themselves to rest in the temple, but never after awaking, in the morning they were found dead, whom the people of Argos by two carved monumentes placed at Delphos commended to everlasting memory: for men of rare and excellent virtue. To these men did Solon attribute the next step to perfect happiness.

Craesus now being throughly warmed and beginning to storm: why then (quoth he) you foolish stranger of Athens is my wealth so base in your eyes that you deem me not worthy to be compared with two private men of Argos. Certes o king (said he) you demand of me a question as one not altogeThere ignorant that the highest climbers have the heaviest falls, the term of man’s life be threescore years and ten, which years consist of twenty five thousand two hundred days, omitting to speak of that month which is given to some years in addition for the just compass and revolution of the time. Howbeit if in every other year we increase a month: for the due concordance and even course of times: to threescore and ten years we must adde 35 months containing in themselves 1500 days.

Be it then in all these days (which in full computation are twenty six thousand two hundred and fifty) what thing do we see like unto other? what rather not flatly unlike, strange and disagreeing from the former? so the man (O Craesus is altogeThere wretched and miserable, notwithstanding, yourself are in wealth flourishing and a prince of many people: all this I deny not, and yet I cannot call that whom you would be, til such time as I heare of your fortunate death. For wherein is the rich man better then a begger, unless the course of his happines continues to his grave.

There are many rych but few blessed, and many of a mean rightrimony, yet very fortunate. Two things there be wherein the infortunate rich excells those who in meanr substance have fortune their friend: by whom contrarywise, they are excelled in many. The wealthy has to glut his desires: and to pay for his default when it happens. Both which your fortune have denied him that in baser wealth lives well, yet in this he goes beyond the other, the want of substance keepxs him from ryot, and care of well doing from security in offending: the same having no fmall thanks to yield to Fortune, that he has his health, that he is gauled and grieved with no calamity, that he is a father of virteous children, that he is garnished with the beauty and comely shape of the body. Besides all which if his end be lucky: this is he whom we seek for: a man every way worthy to be counted happy. Neverthelesss till the last gasp I deeme him not blessed, but fortunate. All which things I think it impossible to attain to in this life. For as one Country cannot supply unto itself all things, but flowring in some one thing it fayles in another: or as the body of a man cannot in every point be absolute, but happily being fair in the face is deformd in the foot, so stands it also with the life of man. That who so in every kind comes near the mark and seals up his fortune with a seasonable death, shall in manner of a king be renowned with the famous title of felicity. The end of everithing is to be regarded what issue it is like to have, because riches are lent by the Gods to many, whom afterwarred they bring to wretchedness.

Solon having thus freely and unsaindly laid open his opinion, within short space after departed the court, and truly was accompted an unwise man, in that he counseled every one not respecting his present estate, to behold his end: After whose departure the heavy anger of the gods fell upon Craesus, for that he was so puffed up and exalted with the vain and inestimable confidence of his own felicity.  Who not long time after fell into a dream, which rightly foretold and showd unto him the great misfortune and misery was to light upon his son.  This noble Craesus had 2. sons, one of the which was dumb and impotent, the other surpassing all of his age in whatsoever he betook himself unto, whom he called Atis. This Atis (as his dream gave him) being sorely wounded with an head or point of iron, should so perish and come to his end. The king awaking out of his sound sleep, began to grace upon the meaning hereof, and sorely aghast at so strange a vision, sought without delay to join his son in marriage with some beautiful lady of the Country, and whereas his accustomed manner was to employ him in the field as a ringleader of his host from that time forwarred he never used him in the like affaires. And for the more assurance he caused all darts, spears and such like weapons of war that hung in his gallerthes to be removed into by rooms and close lodgings of the court, that happily if any thing should chance to fall, his son might be out of the reach and compass of mishap.

In the meanwhile when the king was solemnizing the nuptials and marriage of his son, there came to Sardis a certain young man very poor and miserable, defiled with bloodshed, a Phrigian born,  and descended of princely race. Entering the Palace, he besought the king that it might be lawful for him to purify himself after the manner of his court: which granted, and in due order accomplished, Craesus askd him whence he came and what he was on this manner. My friend, what are you? from what place in Phrigia are you come to my court? what man or woman have you slain. To whon he answered. My Father (mighty prince) is Gordius come of the line of Midas: my name Adrastus: And for that unwittingly I slew my Brother, I am cast out and exiled, from Country, Parents, and goods. Craesus replying, said: Of a truth Adrastus you are born of our friends, and art now come to your friends: abide in my house and you shall want nothing. No doubt but the present smart of your calamity will redound to your future bless. Now whilst he made his abode in the king’s palace. It chanced that at Olympus in the country of Mysia  there haunted a wild boar of an huge and incredible bigness, which coming from the mountain made waste, and spoil of the labours of the inhabitants. Whom the people sondry times endevouring to take did not hurt to him at all, but rather received harm by him. Till at length disrightching messengers to the court of Craesus they framed unto him a suit in these words. There ranges in our country (most famous and noble Prince) a wild boar, strangely dismeasured and overgrown by whom our tillage and husbandry is piteously wasted and dispoiled. Neither can we by any means possible (seeking all means we can) remove or rid him fron our borders. We humbly therefore beseeach your sovereign highness to afford us your son with a company of choice and valiant youths, with hounds and other necessaries to acquit and deliver our region of this pestilent beast. To which their ardent supplications Craesus calling to mind his former vision shaped this reply. Of my son to make any farther mention it were in vaine for I am not determined to send him with you, he is newly espoused to a wife so that in so short space he may not without some great estrange and alienate himself from the amorous embracements of his Lady. Otherwise for the most trusted and picked out men of the Lydians, and such as are skilful in the chase of wild beast accompanied with hounds for the purpose, I will cause to return with you with special charge that they let pass nothing that may make to the speedy conquering of so cruel a monster. This answer given they seemd therewith greatly discontented, when as in the mean space the king’s son coming in presence, and hearing both the request and humble suit of the Mysians, and the grevious repulse given then by the king his sire, broke silence  and said, dear father. Such things as before time were commendable and glorious unto us to make profe and triall of ourselves, either in exploits of chiualry, or in exercise of chase, you have cleanly deprived me of both, neither for any show of slouth, nor defect of courage. With what eyes will the people behold me going and coming through the streets? your subjects and citizens what will they judge of me? lastly what a one shall I seem to be unto my Lady? Will she not think herself to be coupled with a cow: for which causes either permit me to hunt and make one in the voyage, or alleage some more weighty and sirious reason why you retain me. To whon the king his father made answer saying. Mine own good son, not for want of stomach, nor for any displeasure towards you do I thus: but being moved hereto by the strange terror of a vision, which foreshadowed to me that your days were short and suddenly to be ended by the pitiful dint of an iron head. For this cause my son have I hastened your marriage, and restrained you of the sport and pastime which is now in hand: for that my care is, while I am living to preserve you from peril. You are mine only child sweet Atis, for so much as of your deaf: brother I make no account, your life is my happiness, your death my misery. To which words the young prince answered. Dear father I hold you excused, if provoked by a dream so rare you be much more diligent and watchful over me: yet in my fancy you conceaved it not aright. It is needful then since your grace has missed the blank, I lay open unto you the true meaning and sense of the dream.

This sleepy fantasie (say you) has managed my death, by a point of iron. But why, in this voyage there be no hands whom I need to dread: neither any head of iron which you ought to fear, had I either ben to die by a youth, or such like some cause there were of doubting the worst, howbeit, that is the iron head that denounces my death. For as much then as we have not to deal at this time with men there seems unto me no just cause of absence, but that together with the rest I may enter that chase. You have won me my child (quoth Craesus) I can no longer resist, wherefore as vanquished by you I frankly yield and leave it in your power to proceed with them on hunting, which when he had spoken, he called for Adrastus the Phrygian who appearing in presence was in these words assailed by him. Sir Adrastus at what time you were afflicted with misery and defiled with impurity, I yielded supply to your wants and repurged your wickedness having received you of a stranger into mine own house. which things, I do not obiect you as unthankfull for my bounty, or unmindful of my courtesy: But in that it behoves you to deserve well of me, who have dealt so friendly with yourself. I am in mind to commit unto your tender care the safeconduit and diligent guard of my son, who is going to hunt, least by fortune you encounter with any thieves or robbers that mind your destruction. Besides it is your part to achieve renown by valiant and worthy adventures, as a thing naturall to your lineage, and convenient for your strength. To whom Adrastus answered, were it in my choise O king (quoth he) I would not move one foot out of your court: for that I deeme it not meet for one in my case so miserable to keep company with the happy and fortunate, from doing whereof, I have hitherto always refrained myself. But for as much as it seems good to your gracious highness, whom I ought to gratify and show myself thankful for so great and infinite benefites received, I am ready herein to obey your will.

And for that you have put me in trust with the heallth and welfare of the noble gentleman your son, I avouch and undertake his safe and prosperous return. Adrastus having ended his talk alll things being in a readoness, with approved men and youths of singular courage: likewise, hounds and chaunters of the best kind, they marched on their way.

Now when they were come to the hill Olympus,  they began to tract and sent the beast, whom having spedily disloged they flocked about him like bees, and with their darts on every side threatened his death. In this greedy assault, the stranger lately cleansed from bloodshed, whom they called Adrastus, discharged his dart at the Boar, and deceived of his aim, instead of him stroke the son of Craesus, who being wounded to death by the iron point fulfilled his father’s vision. Immediately one of the route retired speedily to the court, and in short space arriving at Sardis, declared unto the king the great misfortune and death of his son: wherewith the woeful father greatly affrightd, yet much more sorrowed for this that his son was slain by the hands of him who by his means had been lately sanctified and clensed from slaughter. And in the midst of his anguish callling upon the sanctifyinge God Iupiter, made a piteous complaynt of the wrong done unto him by a stranger. Invocating like wise the Gods of hospitality and friendship. The one for because he entertaind a guest not knowing that he nourished the killer of his son: the other because he had found him whon he appointed to be the tutor and defender of his child a most pernicious and deadly enemy. Scarsly had he ended his prayers, but the Lydians were at hand with the dead corpse, after whom immediately followd Adrastus who being come in presence, and standing before the man, and ghastly carcas of Atis stretching forth his arms besought the king to slay him presenly upon the body of his son, alledging that what for his former distress and evil misfortune in slaying his cleanser there was no cause why any longer he should live. Craesus albeit in great dolour and vexation of mind, yet maued with pity towarred Adrastus, said thus. You have aboundantly satisftied me (O stranger) in that by your own voice you have craved death. Neither are you the cause of this heavy chance (save that unawares you have done it) but some one of the Gods which foreshowd unto me, what was to come. After this Craesus caused his son to be honourably and magnificially buried. But  Adrastus son of Gordius nephew to Mydas the fatal enemy of his brother and his friend, when all was hush at the sepulcher, and every man had yielded him pardon, yet being grievously afflicted and gauled in conscience slew himself miserably upon the coffin.

For the cruel mishap and destiny of his beloved Atis, Craesus bitterly wailed and lamented the space of 2 years, which grief he aftewarreds ended: at what time the government of the Medes was translated from Astyages son of Cyaxares, to the valiant king Cyrus sprong of Cambyses, and that the state of the Persians began to encrease. Revolving and casting with himself what means he might use to achieve the government of Persia, before it grew to be bigger. In this quandary it came into his brain to make trial of the profecies as well of those in Greece, as the other in Africa, disrightching messengers every way, some to Delphos, others to Dodona, therdly to Amphiara^us and Trophoni^us. There were also those put themselves in voyage to Branchidae in the borders of Miletus. and these were the oracles of Greece: whereunto Craesus sent for counsel: others travelled into Africa to the oracle of Ammon, to the same intent and purpose. All had this end to require the sentence and advice of the Gods, that if they were found to accord and agree in truth, nextly he might sollicite them as touching his own affairs: whether they thought it expedient for him to go in expedition against the Persians. Hereupon being fully resolved, he gave his ambassadours strictly in charge that taking a note of the day of their egresse, and setting forth from Sardis, they should keep just accompt of the time following: and every day question with the oracle, demanding of it what Craesus son of Halyattes king of the Lidyans did that day, and giving diligent head to their answers: to tell him at their return, what answer was made by the other rest of the oracles no man reports: but at Delphos the Lydians having entered the temple to ask of the oracle according as was given them in commandment by the king incontinently Pithia began to salute then in these verses. 

The depth of raging seas,

The number of the sand,

The minds intent (set words aside)

I easily understand.

A savour ranch that comes

from hedghogs flesh I smell,

which jointly with the fat of Lambs

is boiled in brazen kell.

And as it bubbles up,

and breathes in burning flame.

There lies thereon a lid of brass,

that overwhelms the same.

Which verses given by Pithia, and written of the Lydians, they made speedy retyre to Sardis. When the rest also were come that Craesus had sent about: he took view of every man’s notes and liked none of then: till at length hearing the oracle given by Pithia he greatly hallowd and worshipped it:  of opinion that the only true prophecy and divination was at Delphos, which had hit him so right in all things he did. For after the departure of his messengers one day above the rest he set his head a work about the finding out of some device that might be hard to tell, and most difficult to discry. Wherefore having shred the flesh of an urchin, or hedgehog together with the fat of a lamb, he caused them both to be boiled in a brazen pot: the cover or lid whereof was also of brass. Such was the answer which Craesus received from Delphos, what words were given by the oracle of Amphiaraus, and what sentence he returned. I cannot affirm, for as much as no other speech goes thereof, save that this prophecy also was deemed by Craesus to very true.

In short time after he determined to do honour to the God of Delphos by great and magnificalll sacrifice:  making oblation of three thousand chosen cattle, such as might lawfully be offered. Moreover, he caused a great stack or pile of wood to be made, wherein he burnt bedstids of silver and gold, likewise golden maisons with purple raimnt and coats of exceeding value, hoping thereby to purchase to himself the gracious favour and goodwilll of the God. The like charge also he layd upon the Lydians, that every man should consecrate those jewels which they possessed most costly and precious. From which their sacrifice when as streams of liquid and molten Gold distrained in great aboundaunce, he caused thereof to be framed half slates, or sheards, the longer sort as he entitled them, of six handfull, the shorter of three a hand breadth in thickness, amounting to the number of an hundred and seventeen. Whereof four were of fained gold weighing two talents and a half, the rest of whighter gold, in wayght two talentes he made also the similitude of a Lyon in tried and purged gold, waying ten talentes: which Lyon at such time as the temple was on fire fell down from the half slates whereon it stood, and is now reserved in the treasury of Corinth, poysed at six talents and a half being molten from him. All which things when Craesus had finished and brought to perfection he sent them in way of dedication to Delphos together with other gifts and presents, which were these: two books very fair and stately to see to, the one framed of gold the other wrough of silver. Whereof the first at the ingress or entry into the temple was placed on the right hand. The other on the left, which at the same time that the temple was surprised by fire were taken down, and the best and fairest of them being of Gold, and weighing 8. talents and a half, with a superplus and addition of 24 pounds was carefully guarded in the treasury of the Clazomaenians. The other of silver being kept under the eyes of the temple at a certain corner of the church contayning 600. Amphorae, wherein wine was mingled for the feast of Theophanius wrought (as the men of Delphos testify) by Theodorus of Samos: which opinion I easily ascribe also for the singular workmanship thereof. He presented besides 4. silver tunnes preserved by the Corinthians, amongst their treasury. Furthermore two drinking cups the one of gold, the other of silver, of the which two the most principal of Gold has engraven in it a title whith dos argue that to be the gift of the Lacedaemonians, Albeit contrary to truth, being given and dedicated by Craesus, howbeit some one of Delphos (whose name though I very well know, yet I will not descry it) willling to gratify the Lacedaemonians, caused this posy to be entitled. True it is that the image of the boy, through whose hands the water pours down in a trickling and gentle stream, was given to the temple by the Lacedaemonians, but neither of the two cups are belonging to then. Other gifts also of no small price did Craesus send at that same instant, to wit, silver rings, with the shape and form of a woman 3. cubits in height, which the inhabitants of Delphos witness to be the image of her whom Craesus in his court employed the office of baking, herewith also were offered the chains of the Queen his wife, not sparing so much her girdles and waistbands, all which he caused to be dedicated at Dephos. in like manner to the oracle of Amphiaraus, of whose manhood and misfortune he had jointly been informed, he gave a shield and spear of mere and solid gold, a quiver also of the same metal, well stored and replenished with dearth, both which, even to our age were reserved at the city Thebes in the temple of Apollo Ismenius. They which were summoned to this famous ambassage and conveyance of the gifts to Delphos and Africa, had this in Items to inquire of the Gods: whether he might direct an army against Persia or not, and in so doing to associate and join unto himself the aid and fellowship of foreign nations. The Lydians dismissed, went their way, and having attained to their journeys end, and made oblation of the presents sent by the king, they demanded the oracle on this wise.  Craesus king of the Lydians, and chief lord of many regions, beside esteeming these to be the only true and infalllible prophecies among men, has sent you gifts worthy your divine godhead: requiring you counsel and advice, whether it be safe for him to lead a power against the Persians using therein the help and company of other people. This question being framed both the oracles agreed in sentence saying: that if so be he addressed an army against the Persians he should subvert and overthrow a mighty kingdom:  counceling him moreover to seek and procure the aid of the most puissant and coragious people of the Graecians. These answers given and received, Craesus was so puffed up and exalted in courage, that already he swalllowd and devoured in hope the whole government and empire of Cyrus. Wherefore he returned a messenger with a fresh present to Pithia, and for every one their abiding, (whom he had intelligence to be very many) 2. ounces of Gold.

For which his magnificent bounty the people of Delphos to show themselves thankful again, yielded him the chief preeminece in counsayling the oracle, the principal place in sitting and a perpetual privilege of a voice and suffragy, for any man that should be adopted into the society of Delphos on this manner.  Craesus powered out his present upon the temple of Apollo, solliciting the God by a therd demand: for that having tried the oracle to be true, he now took his pentworths in advise and counsel. His question at this time was directed only to know how longe he should enioy the kingdom of Persia.

whom Pithia answered in these words.

When seat and Scepter of the Medes

upon a mule shall light,

to stony Hermus valiant lyde

address your speedy flight.

It shall be then no shame to fly

And yield to such an enemy.

With these verses Craesus was much more delighted then with the former, assuredly hoping that the time should never be wherein a Mule should govern the Medes instead of a man and for the same cause neither he nor his heirs should at any time be driven to forsake the kingdom.  His next care was how make friends and copartners of those which among the Grekes were of greattest might, and noblest mind, whon by curious enquiry he found to be the Lacedaemonians and Athenians? the one being the most excelent among the Doors, the other in the Nation of the Iones, without comparison chefest. Of these 2 nations  there has ben an ancient and grounded opinion as concerning their virtue. Whereof the one took their begynning and original of Pelasgos, the other of Helen, or Grece. The later of these two never alltered their soil, but always kept the same place of abode the other making often charge wandered very much.

For in the time of king Deucallion they held a coast called Phthiotis and under Dorus the son of Hellen, a certain region bounding upon the mountains Ossa and Pyndus by name Istyaeotis, from whence being cast out and chased by the Cadmeans, they inhabited a place in Pyndus, which they call Macedonus. Howbeit fleeting again from thence into Driopis, they came at length to Poloponesus, and were surnamed the nation Doricke. What tongue or language the Pelagians used, I cannot certaynly affirm but by guess it seems to have been the very same that those Pelasgians use, which somewhat above the Tyrrhenians possesse the city Crotona in time neighbours to them whom the now call Doors: at what time they peopled a region in Thessaly, the like may be gathered by those Pelasgians, that built the city Plaecia and Sylax, and were in league and fellowship with the Athenians. By these I say we may rightly conjecture, that the language which was then in usewhich the Pelasgians was very gross and barbarous. For the Cretoniatae and Platiens differ in speech from those that lie next them: but between themselves they use both one tongue, and evidently declare, that they kept the self same phrase and manner of talk, since their first coming into those Countries. so that if all the people of Pelasges were such, they also that dwelled in Attica, and the rest of the Pelasgian cities whatsoever that changed their name at their first arrival into Hellen, forgot also and let slip out of memory their mother tongue. But the Greeks  themselves (as I judge) have without change from the beginning retained the same kind of language, and whereas being severed and distinguished, from the Pelasgians, they were very weake and feeble in might, of a small and tendr beginning: they grew to great increase, by concurse of many nations, and huge multitudes of the Barbarians repayring thither. In like sort I suppose that the people of Pelasgos being barbarous remained at a stay without amplifying and augmenting their strength and govermnent.

Craesus therefore had noticed that the country of Attica was inhabited by these people and at that time injuriously dealt withall, and kept in subjection by Pisistratus  the son of Hipocrates who ruled then as a Tyrant at Athens, his father being a private man and bearing no rule in the commonweale, whilst he beheld the games at Olympus, it chanced him to see a very strange and most wonderful miracle.

For having prepared sacrifice to the Gods, the chalderne filled with flesh and water, without any fire under it. boyled and placed in such sort, that the water ran over the brimms of the vessail which thing Chilon a Lacedaemonian vewing who then happily was present, gave him counsel in no wise to marry a wife that was a breeder or of a fruitful wombe: and if so be he were already married, he willled him to forsake and renounce his wife: therdlie if by her he were indued with a man child to make riddance thereof and convey it away. But Hipocrates giving little care to his tale begot afterwarred Pisistratus, who in the broyle and controversie between the inhabiters of the shore (chief whereof was Megacles son of Alcmaeon) and the people of the plain (who had to their captain Lycurgus sprong of Aristolades) made a therd tumult seeking and affecting a tyrannical and unlawful government, and gathering together a company of rebellions and seditious persons under pretence of aiding the people of the mountains, wrought this subtility  having wounded himself and his mules he came flinging again into the market place with his charyot as on new escaped from his enemies, whom they (as he fained) taking his journey into the Country, sought for to have slain. For this cause he made humble suit and petition to the people for the guard and defence of his body, having tried himself to be a valiant Captain in the voyage, and setting forth against Megara, at what time being general of the army he took Nysaea and achieved other famous and valiant acts. The people of Athens induced to believe him appointed for his safeguard and custody certain chose and tried men of the citizens, who being armed not with spears but with clubs, were always waiting and attendant on him: with whom Pisistratus giving a violent assault to the town, and chief hold of the city, took it and by that means usurped the empire of the Athenians. Nevertheless without change or alteration of magistraties or laws, observing still the same form of government, he adorned and beautified the City in excellent manner.

But he had not long enjoyed it when as the soldiers of Megacles and Lycurgus came to a truce and conspiring together cast him out of the city.  In this manner did Pysistratus, first aspire to the chief rule of Athens, which he was eftsones constrained to leave, before his tyranny had taken roote. This time was not long after but his adversaries renewed their quarel, and fell at variance and debate a fresh, wherewith Megacles being tired, disrightched an harald of peace to Pisistratus offring him his daughter in marriage with condition of the kingdom. Which he not refusing, they devised a means to restore him again (in my fancy) very fonde and ridiculous, especially if these men (being of the number of the Athenians, who had the name to be the most wise and prudent people of the Graecians) pleased themselves only with a device so foolish and base. 

There lived in the Tribe of Paean a woman named Phya of stature four cubits high, wanting three fingers. furnished with seemly beauty, whom having arrayed in conpleite harness, they placed in a Charyot gallantly attired to the show, in which habit as she passed through the streets of the City, there ran some before her crying: the people of Athens receive willlingly Pisistratus again, whom Minerva esteeming worthy the greatest honor amongst men, has in her own person brought back into the tower. The citezens supposing it had ben the Goddess indeed, bowed themselves and honouring her admitting again Pisistratus for their sovereign. Pysistratus having in such sort recovered the kingdom upon a covenant made with Megacles took his daughter to wife. But having 2 young youths to his sons, and hearing moreover the whole lineage of Alcmaeon to be atteinted and guilty of an heinous crime against the Goddess: unwillling for that cause to have any children by his new wife, accompanied with her unlawfully and against nature which being a long time by her concealed and kept secret: at last, either upon demand, or of her own free willl, she revealed it to her mother, who also made her husband acquainted with the matter. Megacles taking in ill part the slandr and contumely done him by Pysistratus, brought him in displeasure and hatred with the soldiers:  which thing he perceiving fled the Country, and came to Eretria to ask counsel of his sons. Amongst whom the sentence of Hyppias seeming to be the best whereby he was incited once again to lay claim to the kingdom, they made a gathering throughout alll cities, with whom they had any small acquaintance: many of the which made liberal contribution, and especially the Thebans. In fine to comprise the matter in brief, the time was come, and all things were in readiness for his return. For out of Peloponnesus there resortd to him certain Argives marching under pay: and a captain of Naxos named Lygdamis, who of his own accord made offer of his service being very well furnished with men and money: which gave then great alacrity and encouragement to go forwarred in their attempts. In so much as setting forth from Eretria the II. year after his flight from Athens, first of all he took the city Marathon in Attica, where having encamped his army, there repaired to him divers seditious fellows out of the city, and out of all the tribes very many who liked better a tyrannical empire then a free state. Whilst Pisistratus levied many for his affaires, and held himself at Marathon the Athenians which kept within the city, made light of the matter, until such time as hearing him to be dislodged fron thence, and to draw towards the City, they put themselves in array, and went forth to encounter him. Wherefore with might and main they valiantly set forwarred to maintain and defend their liberty against the enemy. Likewise Pisistratus and his confederates came fiercely against the city till both the armies met jointly in one field, where approaching near unto the Temple of Minerva Palenis, and disposing all his Army in order there came unto him Amphilitus Acarnen a prophet, who being inspired with a divine motion, uttered this oracle in verse. 

The bait is layd, the nets are cast,

The fish enclosed shall play apace

When Phoebe from the glistring skies

In view reveals her golden face.

Which Pisistratus perceiving to be a prophecy of his good success immediately gave the ••cet and encountered the Athenians which were come forth of the city, who having then newly dined, and being partly set to dice, partly taken with sleep, well without resistaunce he put them to flight and won the field. Nevertheless in the pursuit he found out a way how neither the Athenians might be spoiled in such sort, neither yet join themselves and come together again to his further trouble. Wherefore having caused certain of his servants to mount on horseback, he sent them speedly after the people to bid then be of good courage, and every one to depart to his own house. Whereunto they willlingly obeying, Pisistratus reigned the therd time in Athens,  establishing and fortifying the tyranny as well by supply of foreign power, as by revenues of his money which he levied partly from his own Countrymen, and in part also from the river Strymon. In like manner the children of those men that yielded not the first, but bare the brunt of the battle, he took in hostage and sent them over to Napos: which Island after he had conquered and brought in subjection he committed the government and administration thereof to Lygdanus: having heretofore also hallowd and purged the Isle Delos according to the oracle, which he clensed in this sort. Out of all those places that wear with in the view and prospect of the temple he caused the corpses and dead bodys to be digged up and buried in another place of the Island.

In this wise some if the Athenians being slain in battle, other fled away together with the household and family of Megacles. Pisistratus obtained the seat royal: whom Craesus understood at the same time to bear rule in Athens. He heard moreover that the Lacedaemonians, having escaped a scowring, were triumphant conquerous over the Tegeates. For in the reign of Leon and Hegesicles princes of Sparta, the Lacedaemonians having right good event in all their enterprises and affaires, were commonly repulsed and saild by the Tegeates. The self same before time were the most disordered and lawless people of the Graetians, using no conmunity or fellowship either between themselves or with strangers.

Notwithstanding they were reduced to a more orderly kind of government by Lycurgus  a man of approved virtue amongst the people of Sparta. Who coming to the oracle at Delphos and being entered into the tenple, Pithia saluted him in these terms. 

Welcome unto my palace noble knight,

Beloved of Iove and those that rule above:

For God or man to blase the out aright

In doubtful waves my wandering mind dos move.

Yet to the first by force I do incline,

And deem your state not earthly but divine.

Some are of opinion that the laws and statutes which are now in force with the Lacedaemonians, were uttered and told him by Pithia. Howbeit themselves affirm that Lycurgus being both tutor and uncle to young Leobotus King of the Spartans brought these ordinances out of Crete. For no sooner was he instituted governour to the young prince, but he changed all the laws and established new, making a diligent proviso that no man should break them. He made also decrees for war, ordaining the society of the twenty magistrates, likewise the college or fellow of the therty men, so called. Lastly he distributed and divided the Citizens into tribes and companies, not omitting the appointment of certain protectours in defence of the commons against the noble named Tribuns of the people, erecting moreover the senate and counsel of the Ephor, with an order of other sages and wise men. By this means the state of the Lacedaemonians was reformed by Lycurgus: whom after his death by the building up of a famous temple in his name, they honoured and reverenced as a God. And being resident in a Country very populous and plentiful, they made an inrode and invasion into other regions with very good fortune and lucky success in battle. Wherefore as professed enemies to peace, supposing themselves to excel the Arcadians in might and courage they were in mind to denounce war against Arcadie asking in that case the advise of the oracle.

To whom Pithia made answer. 

You seek to conquer Arcadie,

Your suite is great, but all in vain:

Where many men contented lie,

By acornes suage their hungars pain.

As hot as fire, as hard as oak

Unfit to bear a foreign yoke:

Yet since I cannot say the nay,

I freely yield into your hand

A fertil coast and fit for pray

The compass of Tegea Land

Where you shall measure by a rope

The fruits of your desyred hope.

This answer given, the Lacedaemonians leaving the other parts of Arcadie levied a power against the people of Tegêa, carrying with them chains and fetters, in full hope (albeit deceived by the double meaning of the oracle) to have brought them into captivity. Notwithstanding, having coped in fight with the enemy they were forced to forsake the field and take themselves to their feet. Such of them as were taken in the chase alive, fast bound and enchained in the same gyves which they brought with them, were constrained to measure out their dwellings in the plain of Tegêa with a rope there to inhabite. The fetters wherewith they were clogged endured well to our age, being hung up in the temple of Minerva Allea in Tegêa. Thus in the former conflicts and battles the Lacedaemonians, had always the worst hand of the people of Tegea save in the time of Craesus, and under their rulers Anaxandrydes and Ariston in whose reign and dominion they gave the better of their enemies in this sort. Aggrieved at their often foils and continual repulces received by their adversaries, they went in embassage to Delphos to ask of the Oracle, which of all the Gods they might please, to become conquerours over Tegêa. The question propounded Pithia willled them to search out the bones of Orestes son of Agamemnon, and translate them into their Country.

But being ignorant in what part of the world to make enquiry they estsones returned other messengers to require of the God where, or in what place Orestes lay.

Whereto answer was made on this manner. 

In Arcady there lies

an ample coast Tegêa hight,

where two winds use to blow,

and breath their blasts with raging might.

Where form to form is foe,

and blow to blow an enemy.

Here dos Orestes lie,

whom find and take the victory.

Which the Lacedaemonians hearing were never the wiser: who albeit they had made curious search about him nevertheless they found him not. Till at length one Lyches a Spartan of the number of those which are called free knights, by good fortune discovered the Tomb. These free Knights, are five soldiers of the Spartan horseemn, well stricken in years, which annually have a release from the field: who being in this wise by the common consent of the horseemn privileged and dismissed, may in no wise for that year remain idle, but are employed in journeys and voyages, some one way, some another.

One of these was the forenamed Lyches, who by the help as well of a currant and ready wit as of a gratious and prosperous hap, came to knowledge where Orestes lay.  For this being the year wherein the people of Tegêa and Sparta, had intercourse of merchandise one with another, by fortune coming into a smith’s forge he beheld the smith himself working on iron, who on the other side percieving Lyches to be very intentive and in marveling wise to view his work: a little pausing, said. You stranger of Lacedaemon, if this base work in iron seem so rare in your sight: you would much more have wondered to have seen that which I did. For going about in this little court to dig a well or pit for water, it was my chance to light upon a sepulcher 7 cubites long. Which when I saw, supposing that men were never of greater stature then they are at these days. I opened the Coffin and found therein a dead Carkasse of equal length: whereof having taken measure I covered it again. Lyches listening to the discourse of the smith, conjectured by the oracle that it should be Orestes: construing the smith’s bellows for the two minds whereof the oracle spoke, the hammer and anvil he thought to be the two forms to each other foes: and one blow enemy to another he took to be the iron wrought and beaten by the stroke of the hammer, considering that iron was found out to it hurt and damage of men. Poudering these things with himself, he returned to Sparta and opened the matter to the Lacedaemonians who perceiving the case to be likely, wrought this pretence, causing of set purpose a quest to proceed upon their citizen Lyches, they condemned him for some offence, and banished him the soil, who incontinently retiring to Tegêa and lamenting his miserable case to the smith, covenanted with him for the here of his base court, for as much as he refused altogether to alienate it from himself, and sell it out right. Where having made his abode for certain days he discovered the sepulcher, and taking out Orestes’ bones, stale privily away and came to Sparta. From that time forwarred the Lacedaemonians joining battle with Tegêa, remained victors, and always after obtained the glory of the field, having besides a great part of Peloponnesus in their power and dominion.

Of all which things Cresus  not ignorant, furnished an ambassage to Sparta with great gifts, to desire their aide and fellowship in war, whither being come they used these words. We are sent from Craesus King of the Lydians and lord of other nations, who says thus. The noble Lacedaemonians, whereas I am provoked by the Gods to enter league and friendship with the Graetians, amongst whom you have the report to be the most warlike and valiant. I deemed it convenient (without fraud or guile, to desire your aid and assistance in the enterprise which I have in hand. The Lacedaemonians right glad and joyous of their arriual and gentle entreaty, having also intelligence of the oracle, entered bands with them of perpetual hospitality and friendship. Being also not unmindful of the bounty of King Craesus showd before time towards their nation. For having sent to Sardis for provision of gold, to make the image of Apollo, which is situated in Thornax a part of the Lacons Country. Craesus without counterchange freely bestowed the gold upon them. For which cause, the Lacedaemonians in that also principally above the rest of the Graecians he had made choice of their amity, willlingly assented and declared themselves to be ready at all assays. Likewise to avoid ingratitude: in lie of his presents they returned unto him a brasen Vessell, wrought about the brims wich the pictures of divers wild beasts, containing the measure of 30 Amphorae, which for one of these causes that we shall alledge, was never brought to Sardis. The Lacedaemonians testify, that the vessel being in voyage to Sardis, was intercepted by the people of Samos, where they lay at rode. The Samians assailing them by a fleete of galllies. Contrarywise they of Samos affirm, that the Lacedaemonians being in the way to Sardis, and hearing news that Craesus was taken, and the whole city sacked by the Persians, sold the vessel to certain private men of Samos, who made dedication thereof in the temple of Iuno. But immediately returning to Sparta, they faind themselves to be robbed by the Samyans, and the vessel to be taken away by force.

To make briefe, Craesus deluded by the oracle, prepared an army against Cappadocia, in hope to subdue Cyrus, and the whole power of Persia.

While he was busied in these affairs, a certain Lydian named Sandanis  a man of singular regard for his wisdom, and for this sentence and advice much more esteemed then before, councilled the king on this manner. You determine a voyage against those (O king) which are wrapped and clothed in beasts skins: not faring as they would, but as they can, abiding in a region unfruitful and barren. Their drink is water not wine, their chief food is figs: besides the which they have nothing good. From whom as you can take nothing if you conquer, so consider I beseeach you how much you shall lose if you be conquered, if once they tast of our sweet, then they will dayly swarm about us, and will never be driven from us. Truly I thank the Gods that they never put into the heads of the Persians to invade the Lydians. By which words, notwithstanding he little prevailed with Cresus. True it is, that the Persians  before they vanquished Lydia, were far from all elegancy and sumptuous dayntines. Furthermore the Capadocians were called by the Greeks, Syrians. Who before the empire came to the Persians, did homage to the Medes, but at that present acknowledged Cyrus for their King. The dominion of the Medes, and Lydyans is
divided and sundered by the river Halys,  which taking his beginning from the hill Armenus first washes the Cilicians, and secondly the Maciens lying on the right hand, lastly the Phrygians declining towards the least, after this, winding to the North pole, that flows between the Cyrians, Cappadocians, and Paphlagonians, watering the coast of Cappadocia on the right hand, and the borders of Paphlagonia on the left. In this sort the flood Halys dos part and distermine all then high places of Asia, from the sea Cyprian, unto the waters of the Euxine sea the back, and hinder part of this region is in length five days journey for a light and speedy footman.

Craesus therefore speeding himself towards Cappadocia, was greatly desirous  both to join unto his own Kingdom a land so battle and plentiful, and then also to revenge Cyrus in the behalf of Astyages son of Cyaxares king of the Medes his near kinsman: whom Cyrus issued of Cambyses had taken captive in the field. The means whereby kindred and alliance grew between the two kings Craesus and Astyages, were these. The grasiers of Scithia  and such as were conversant in raising and breeding cattle falling to debate and sedition between themselves, a certain company of them fled into the land of the Medes, at what time the Scepter was held by Cyaxares, son of Phraeortas nephew of Deioses. To whom the Scithians humbling themselves were at the beginning much made of, and grew in credit and favour with the King, in so much that he committed to their charge certain younge imps to instruct in the Scithian language, and to train up in the art and faculty of shooting.  In tract of time the Scithians being accustomed daily to hunt, and for the most part wont to bring home something with them for a pray, notwithstanding otherwhiles returned empty: which the king perceiving (who in his rage was very fierce and civil, sharply rebuked them) and in reproachful and taunting words took them up very short, Whereat the Scithians stomachs being moved supposing themselves to be hardly dealt withall by the King, took counsel together, that having slain someone of the children whom they taught, they might serve him up to the King in lieu of Venison or some other wild and sauage pray: which done, they would put themselves to flight to Sardis and become suppliants to Halyattes son of Sadyattes for their defence and safety, which fell out accordingly. For as well Cyaxares as others that were present at the Table, tasted of the flesh, and the
Scithians having committed the villainy, iucontinently fled to Halyattes, whom Cyaxares reachallinging, and Halliattes refusing to surrender and yield them up, there arose war between the Medes and Lydians which endured the space of v. years. In the which their broil and discord the Medes sometime achieuing the conquest, it happened them to encounter in a night battle. For in the sixth year the armies coming to the close and the fight being equal: suddenly the day became night,  which chang and alteration of the day. Thales Milesius foretold to the people of Ionia presining the self same year wherein it should happen. The Medes and Lydians perceiving the day to be overcast with darkness, abandoned the field: and by means of Sthennesis of Cilicia, and Labynetus of Babilon  were brought to accord and composition of peace, who hastening to have them sworn, and to establish their agreement by the bands of affinity, they decreed that Astyages son of Cyaxares should espouse and take to wife Ariena daughter of Halyattes. supposing the condition would not long remain sound and inviolate, were it not confirmed by the sure and insoluble knot of alliance. In stricking league and concluding peace  as well other things usual to the Greeks, are observed by these nations, as also cutting their arms til the blood issue out, which each of them lick up and suck together.

This Astyages  grandfather to Cyrus by the Motherside was by him held prisooner and went under custody, for such cause as in the sequel of this history shall be declared: Craesus therefore moved with displeasure, required of the Oracle whether he might proclaim war against Persia, and having receiued a double and deceitful answer, deeming it to make with him, went out with his army to assail and fight against a certain part of the Persian dominion. And approaching neare to the River Halys (as I judge) he trailed and convewed over his army by bridges built upon the water: but as some of the Graecians affirm, he passed the river by the means of Thales Milesius  who devised another way. For Craesus standing at a bay, uncertain what way to pass the water (for as much as the bridges which are now made for passage as then were none at all) Thales Milesius being then in the camp, invented a means to change the course of the water, and cause the river that ran on the right side of the army to flow on left. He made therefore to be digged a mighty deep trench or ditch, beginning above the tents, and proceeding in compass like a Moon on the backside of the host, whereinto the water having issue from the proper channel, became so low and fleet, that the river on both parts was passable, and easy to be waded.

Some hold opinion that the old course of the river was hereby wholly alltered and became dry, from whom I dissent. For by what means the regress of Craesus into Lydia could the army have retired over. Craesus having recovered the other side of Halys came into a part of Cappadocia named Pteria, safely situated and near adjoining to the city Synopis that lies to the sea Euxine, where having encamped his whole power, he spoiled, and foraged the mannours and ferm places of the Syrians, subduing also and sacking the city Pteria. Moreover he vanquished many other cities round about, casting out the Syrians that never offended him: whereof  Cyrus having advertiseemnt gathering an army of the middle part of his Country, and came out to meet him, notwithstanding, first he sollicited the Iones to revolt from Craesus, which they refusing, he marched on forwarred, and encamped against the Lydians.

Where the Armies being in view, the one Army to the other, and having given signs of defiance, they joined in force and cruel battle, wherein many being slain on either side, and Night drawing very near, they blew the retreat, the victory remaining on neither part. But Craesus laying for his excuse the small number of his men (as far exceeded by Cyrus in multitude of Soldiers) the next day following (the Persians abstaining from battle) he moved his camp and repaired back to Sardis, in mind to summon and call out the Egyptians according to covenant, with whose king Amasis he had concluded a league before ever he attempted the Lacedaemonians, purposing besides to challenge the help of the Babilonians promised and avowed to him by league and composition. Not forgetting also to claim the assistance of the Lacedaemonians, appointing them a day to be present at Sardis: that having made a general assembly of all his power, and taken his ease that winter, he might immediately at the beginning of the next springe lay charge to the kingdom of Persia by a new and fresh assault. Whilst he levelled at this mark, he sent abroad heralds to his league fellows and friends, with earnest request that the fift month after they would come together, and meet at Sardis. Likewise the soldiers stipendaries, which he hered, and conducted to aid him against the Persians, he disserved and sent away: nothing doubting least Cyrus (with whom so short time before he had fought even hand and without disadvantage) should adventure to come near and approach to Sardis.  In this sort reasoning the case and debating with himself it fortuned that all the suburbs and places conterminate to the city were filled with aboundance of Snakes, and Adders: which the horse leaving their pasture and food swalllowd greedily and in moustruous sort eat up and deuoured. Which Craesus judging (as it was) to be a token on premonstration of some strange things to come, sent to the soothsayers and Diviners. The messengers that went were wise men of science, and signification of the event. The wise men Telmisses declared unto them,  the Craesus should be set upon with a foreign army, which should vanquish and subdue the town born and natural people of the Country, alledging that the snake was the child of the earth, properly bred and engendered of the ground, but the horse, an enemy, and a foreigner. This meaning and exposition the Telmisses sent back again to Craesus but now captive, altogether ignorant of these things which befell unto him, and also to his City Sardis.

Cyrus accertained of the determination of Craesus that presently after the conflict at Pteria he was in purpose to disperse and scatter his army, thought it expedient in all haste possible to remove his host to Sardis, to intercept and prevent his enemy, or ever he could assemble the Lydians again, which advice he altogether allowd, and put in practise and speedily arriving into Lydia with his power was himself a messenger unto Craesus of his coming. Craesus cast into a great pensiveness, and anguish of mind, to see himself so far deceived of his accompt: notwithstanding put the Lydians in array to battle.

At that time  there was no nation in the world, neither in valour and might neither in haughty courage and magnanimity equal and comparable to the Lydians, who commonly warred on horseback as most expert and nimble in riding: weaponed with speares of a marvellous length.

The field wherein the fight was committed lies before the City Sardis: through the which, both other rivers
have a pleasant and delightsome course, and chiefly the famous river Hellus, flowing into the main stream called Hermus, which taking his issue and first head from the sacred Mountain of the holy mother Dyndimena, is carried wholly into the sea, not far from the City Phocyas.

In this field Cyrus beholding the Lydians prepared to the battle, and greatly dreading the prowess and puissance of their horseemn, determined by the counsel of Harpagus the Mede,  to put in execution this strange device. Having gathered together alll the Camels that followd the Army, and disburdened them of their loads of corn and vessels wherewith they were charged, he caused certain men to sit on them apparelled in a robe accustomably worn of the Persian Horseemn. Whom in this sort attired he gave in charge to march in the forefront of the battle against the horseemn of the Lydians. After these incontinently followd the footmen: and in the last rank were placed the horseemn, into which order and array having directed and contrived his Army, he straightly commanded them to spare none of the Lydians, but whomsoever they found to make resistance, him to disrightch and slay presently: Craesus only excepted, towards whom he warned that no violence should be showd how perversly soever he behaved himself.

This charge given, he caused his Camels  to proceed forwarred against the Lydian riders, to this end: for that a horse is very much afraid of a Camel, and can neither away with the sight of him, nor abide his smell. Which pollicy he found out to defeat Craesus of his greatest hope, whose chiefest confidence he knew to be placed in the strength and virtue of his horseemn. A sign of battle being given, and the armies coming to the close: the Lydian coursers what with the sight and sent of the camels, fled back and retired violently: which clean discouraged Craesus, and put him out of hope. But the Lydians nothing abashed thereat as having learned the cause, allighted speedily, and buckled with the Persians on foot, til at length many falling on either side, they were forced to fly and guard themselves with the wallls of the city, being environed by the Persians with a siege: which siege Craesus supposing to put of and delay for a long time, sent other messengers from the walls to his friends and confederates: having by the first set down and prefyned the fifth month ensuing for the time of their assembly. Contrarywise by these he requested and desired mature and speedy aid, being held at a bath, and enclosed within the walls and gates of his City. The messengers undertook a speedy course, as well to other nations as to the Lacedemonians his assured friends.

It fortuned that at the same time,  there fell a strife and contention between the men of Sparta and Argos, about a certain field called Yourrea, which ground, albeit properly belonging to the Argives, was unlawfully held back and retained by the Spartans. For what land soever in the main bends and inclines towarred the West, as far as Mallea is peculiar and appertinent to the Argives with the title also and dominion of certain Isles, in the number whereof is reckoned Citherea. Therefore the people of Argos gathering an army for the recovery of their own territory and freedom: they fell to condition for the matter to be tried out by contrary of three hundred chosen men on either side consenting and agreeing that the right of the land should follow the victors.

Providing moreover that both the armies should forsake the field and retire home: least being present they might be moved to succour the part that was most distressed the covenant ratified and confirmed between them, they departed each to their own cities.

The parties singled out, and delected from both armies, remaining behind, gave bitter assault each to other, and continued the combat til such time as of six hundred, there were left but three men alive the battle being interrupted and broken of by the near approach and coming of the evening. The remnants were these. Two of the Argyues, Alleinor, and Chromius, who in manner of conquerours hastened their steps to Argos one of the Lacedaemonians named Othryades who dispoiling the dead bodys of the Argives, carried their weapons to his tents keeping himself in his due order and array. The next day the cause being known, the people of both Cities were present in the field laying equal claim to the victory. The Argives, for that the men on their side escaped, and remaining alive were more in number. The Lacedaemonians, for that the Argives fled the field, and their men only abode behind, taking the spoil of his slain enemies. Incontinently falling from sour words to sad blows, many were lost on both parts and the conquest achieved by the Lacedaemonians. Since which time the people of Argos shaving their heads (whereas of necessity before time they nourished their hair) made a law with a solemn and religious vow, never to suffer their locks to grow, or their women to wear gold before they had recovered the field of Therea. On the other side the Lacedaemonians decreed from that time forwarred to go long head contrary to their former use and custom. But Othryades the only survivor of 300. Spartans, moved with shame and grief, that the rest of his conpany were vanquished by the Argives with his own hands ended his own life in the field of Therea.

While these things were fresh at Sparta, the Lydian herald arrived to intreat aid and help for Craesus, whom they having heard, thought meet without delay to assist, and succour him. Wherefore putting themselves in a readiness and being at the point to take shipping to Sardis: there came another messenger with news, that the walll and bullwark of the Lydians was scalled, and Craesus himself taken alive. Whereat the Lacedaemonians greatly grieved esteeming themselves to have suffered no small loss, alltered the intent of their purposed voyage.

Furthermore the conquest and winning of Sardis, was in this sort. 

Cyrus having laid at a siege the space of 14. days, sent coursers about his army, and propounded a great rewarred to him that first scalled the city wall, which being oftentimes in vain enterprised by the whole army: when the rest were quiet, a certain Mardane by name Heraeades, sought speedy means to ascend and climb the walll on that part which was naked and undefended of the Lydians: never fearing or suspecting least the City should be taken on that side, which for the roughness and cragginess thereof was deemed invincible.  On which side only Meles first King of Sardis had not lead his bastard son Leo: the wise men of Telmisses holding opinion that upon what part of the wallls soever this Leo passed, they should become inexpugnable, and not to be vanquished. Meles therefore by all parts of the City wallls whereby any dangerous assault might lay to the Town, led and trained his unlawful son: omitting that side only which lies towarred Tmolus, for that he thought it to be of power and strength sufficient against the violent charge and counterpeace of the enemy. From this part the Mardane Heraeades having marked a Lydian descending the day before to recover his helmet thither tumbled down, considered with himself, and began to attempt the like. After whom followd other of the Persians, who consequently were pursued by the rest in great routes and multitudes. By which means the City Sardis was taken and sacked.

Amidst this distress and extreme misery there chanced to Craesus a very rare and strange miracle: having a dumb son of whom we made mention before, he took great care and wrought all means possible, while his kingdom flourished to recur his malady, approving and trying as well other things, as also the advise and sentence of the oracle. To whose demand Pithia made this answer.

You unadvised Lydian King

what makes you take such care

to yield unto your silent son

the freedom of his tongue?

The less God wot is not so great

you may it well forbeare:

The day draws on when he shall speak,

for which you needs not long.

Now the walls being taken a certain souldier of the Persians came violently towards Craesus to have done him to death, not supposing him to have been the king. Whom he perceiving, nevertheless regarded not the danger making no difference whether he perished by sword or otherwise. The dumb son seeing the imminent peril of the King his father, and fearing his death, broke out in these words saying. 

Hold your hands (Good fellow) slay not king Craesus. Which being the first words that ever he spoke, he had always after the ready use and practise of his tongue. Thus Craesus and his city Sardis, after he had reigned 14. years and abiden so many days siege, fell into the hands and power of the Persians: having lost a great kingdom, according to the voice and sentence of the oracle,  being in this sort apprehended, he was brought to king Cyrus, who causing his hands and feet to be clogged with great and weighty gives of iron, set him in the midst of a woodpile, made for the nonce acconpanied with 14. children of the Lydians: determining to offer these first fruits to the Gods either for performance and accomplishment of some vow or for profe or trial whether any of the Gods (unto whose honor and service he understood Craesus to be greatly addicted) would save and deliver hin from the fire. These things are commonly spread and reported of Cyrus.

In this most irksome and lamentable case whiles the King of the Lydians stood on the heap or pyle of fagots he bethought himself of the words and saying of Solon:  who lead by the divine instinct of some heavenly influence, had told him before that in the number of the livings, there was no man so singular that might be named happy. Whereof being admonished in his mind, and fetching from the bottom of his hart a deep and straining sigh, by report wept bitterly, and three fundry times cried out loud upon the name of Solon, which Cyrus hearing willed the interpreters to ask him whom he called upon. To whom Craesus made no answer at all, until such time as being compelled by constraint, he said. I named him whom I had rather then all the wealth in the world, he had likewise talked with all those who being placed in the highest degree of honour have the chief government of the kingdoms on Earth, which words for that he uttered not half plainly, and to the clear and perfect understanding of those which were attentive, and listened unto him, they urged him a fresh to make a recital thereof again. At whose instant and importunate hailing being now constrained to begin his speech anew, he told them how a long time since Solon an Athenian, arrived at his court: who beholding his infinite treasure and aboundance of wealth made very light accompt thereof as a thing of small and base value, in so much that whatsoever he had spoken and pronounced of him, the same in due measure had falllen out and come to event. Which things nevertheless, were not peculiarly spoken by him but generally of the whole nation and company of men: and chiefly of those which please themselves here on earth in a pleasant dream and singular contentment of happy bliss. Whiles Craesus spoke these things, and the faggots had taken fire on every side: Cyrus  understanding by the expositers of the Lydian tongue what he had said, was moved with compassion, knowing himself also to be but a man who was now in hand to fry another to death by fire, that of late days was nothing inferiour to himself in power and prosperity. And fearing vengeance for the same and considering the instable course and fickle flowr of man’s affairs, commanded with all diligence the fire to be extinguished and Craesus with the rest of his company to be set free. But they strove in vain the fire having taken such vehement hold, that it seemed unquenchable and not to be overcome. In this place the Lydians recount that Craesus knowing King Cyrus his mind to be changed and seeing every man endeavour to abate the rage and fury of the flame howbeit nothing at all profiting: he lifted up his voice and cried to Apollo for succour: that if ever any gifts offered by him had ben pleasant in his sight, he would acquite and deliver him from this present danger. As he was pitifully shedding his tears in plainte and lamentation to the God, suddenly  the sky being fair and the weathee smooth and calm the day was overcast and shadowed with the dark veil of dim and dusky cloudes, which breaking out into main showrs clean put out and quenched the fire: Hereby Cyrus perceiving that Craesus was a virtuous man and reverenced the Gods he saved him from the fire: and demanded him the question saying. Tell me now O Craesus whose counsel was it to invade my country, and became of my friend mine enemy: Certes (quoth he) Great King I have done this to mine own great loss and your less the God of the Graecians inciting and leading me hereto, who was the cause that I warred against you. For no man  is so frantic to desire war rather then peace: when as in time of concord the sons bury the fathers: but in war the father carries the son to his grave. Howbeit it seemed good to the God to bring these things to pass, which having said. Cyrus placed him by, and had him in great honour and reverence, and stedfastly beholding him greatly wondered with the rest of his company. All which while Craesus in a deep muse and profound study sat still without speaking any word.

But suddenly lifting up his head and viewing the Persian soldiers spoiling and rifling the City. Whether shall I speak my mind (noble Cyrus said he) and utter that I think, or hold my peace at this present and say nothing: But being licensed to speak freely and without fear, he askd him saying. Wherein is all this company so busily conversant: or what seek they to do: of a truth (quoth Cyrus) naught else but to pole, and dispoile the city, and make a hand of your riches and treasure. To whom Cresus answering: neither do they waste my city mighty prince (said he) nor consume my goods, (for the right of these things is no longer mine) but they are your goods which they trail and lug about, and all this weallth pertains to you: upon which words the king advising himself drew Craesus aside from the company, and demanded of him what he thought meet to be done in this case. Who replied saying. For as much as it has pleased the Gods to make me your servant. I hold it my duty whatsoever I shall perceive more than yourself to make the privy and a counsel thereto. The Persians (quoth he) are a crooked generation, and of nature perverse and stubborn: yet nevertheless, very bare and beggarly, whom if in this sort you securely permit to rig and runsack cities, and recover store and plenty of wealth, I fear me that as every one grows to greatest aboundaunce, he will soonest slip the coller, and become of a true subject, a traitorous rebel. Wherefore if you will follow my counsel do this. Place at every gate of the city certain of your guard with precise commandment that no goods be carried out of the City, pretending of the tenth part thereof to make an oblation and sacrifice to Iupiter: which doing you shall neither purchase their displeasure by taking away the wealth: and themselves acknowleging the intent to be good, will easily condescend, and be pleased therewith.

This counsel greatly liked king Cyrus: wherefore having in like sort disposed and settled, his Guard as Craesus had warned him, to himself he spoke in terms as follows.

My good Craesus, whereas you are a King, and by nature framed both to do well and speak wisely, ask of me what seems you good, and it shall be given you. 

My sovereign Lord (quoth Craesus) I shall esteem myself highly benefited by your Grace, if by your majesty’s leave and sufferaunce I may send these my letters to the Gods in Greece. Demanding whether it were lawful for him in this order to double with his friends.

But Cyrus requesting to know the cause it set him so far out of favour with Apollo: he broke out, and ripped up the matter from the beginning, declaring unto him the Oracles which were given, and chiefly his offerings whereon he presumed to denounce war against Persia.

After a large rehersal made as touching all these things, he returned to his former suit, requesting the King that it might be lawful for him to challenge the God for these matters, and cast them in his teeth. To whom Cyrus smiling, said. Not this only (O Craesus) but what else soever shall be graunted to you, and not at this time alone, but as often as it shall like the to make petition. Leave obtained) he forthwith disrightched certain men of the Lydians to Delphos, with charge, that laying the chains at the entry of the temple, they should question with Apollo if he were not ashamed to delude and cousine Craesus, with his fraudulent and deceitful Oracles: making him to assaulte the Persians in hope to vanquish the power of Cyrus, of which his hoped victory, these were the first fruits: commanding them therewith to show him the manacles, with the which being first captive, he had been chaind. Moreover to ask him, whether the Graecian Gods had a privilege and peculiar liberty, above the rest to be ingrate and unthankful to their friends. The Lydians arrived at Delphos,  and declaring their message, Pithia made them answer on this manner. The necessary event of fatal destiny, it is impossible for the Gods themselves to avoid. Craesus lays the disloyalty of the fifth age before him, that is to say, of his great grandfather’s father:  who being squire of the body to the Heraclidans was induced by the fraud and deceipt of a woman to kill his Lord, and was after invested with his dignity, which nothing appertained to him.

Notwithstanding Apollo by all means endeavouring to cause the fall of Sardis to light on the posterity of Craesus, not upon himself: for alll this could not prolong or alter the inchangeable race of destiny: but dispensing therewith as much as might be, in some part he requited his courtesy by deferring the battery and conquest of Sardis for term of three years. It is meett therefore that Craesus know, how his seat imperial came three years later to ruin then was determined and appointed by fatal necessity. Again it was no small benefite that he saved him from frying at a stake, for as touching the oracle he has no cause to complain being forewarned by Apollo that furnishing an army against Persia he should overturn and destroy a great Empire. Of this sayinge if in case he had been better advised it was his part to have inquired of Apollo what empire he meant, whether his own government, or the kingdom and principality of Cyrus. But the prophecy being neither sufficiently pondered by himself nor sought to be discussed, if anithing happened otherwise than he would had wished for, let him thank himself and not blame the God.

Now for that he alledges besides the sentence of Apollo as concerning the Mule: it was better said by the God, then considered by him. For by the Mule was King Cyrus understood, whose parents were of divers nations, and his mother of a more noble progeny and lineage then his father. The one being a Mede, daughter to Astyages, King of the Medes. The other a Persian, and in homage and subjection to the Medes, who being a man of base account, and very mean regard, nevertheless crept into favour, and wedded the daughter of his sovereign liege.

The Lydians thus answered by Pithia, made their speedy regress to Sardis declaring to Craesus what they had heard. Whereby he came to confess that the blame rested in his own folly, and was unjustly and without cause imputed to Apollo. It suffices therefore to have spoken this of the dominion and rule of Craesus, and by what means he first vanquished and subdued Ionia. Furthermore besides those which before are mentioned: many other notable presents were offered by this king which are yet apparant, and to be seen in Greece. For at the City Thebes in Boaetia there is a table of three feet alll of Gold dedicated unto Apollo Ismenius. Certain young heighfers also wrought of Gold, with sundry pillars of the same kind. Likewise in the entry and porch of the temple there is to be seen an huge shield of solid gold. Alll which were extant, and remaining even until our age. Albeit, by length of time many were consumed and brought to decay. As for the gifts he bestowed at Branchidae (as far as we can learn) they were nothing inferiour to them in value which were sent to Delphos. Notwithstanding as well those which he presented at Delphos, as also the other that were given to the temple of Amphiaraus were of his own proper and hereditary substance, the first fruits of his father’s possessions: as for the rest which in like manner he consecrated were of the wealth and substance of his enemy: who before Craesus aspired to the crown was of the sect and faction of Pantaleon.  For this Pantaleon also had to father Halyattes and was brother to Craesus but by fundry women, the mother of Craesus being of Caria, the other of Ionia. no sooner was Craesus indued with the sovereignty but he took his enemy that constantly withstood him, and drawing him aside into a fuller’s shop, he bereft him of his life: whose goods beforehand vowed to the immortal Gods he made consecration of in those places wherereof we spoke before. And thus much as concerning his liberality and magnificency used towarred the Gods.

Now as touching  the Country of Lydia, there is nothing thereof recounted worthy admiration like as of other regions: save that only out of the hill Tmolus are digged small pieces of gold in manner of gravel. There is also a monument by them erected the strangest that ever was heard or seen (only excepted the marvelous works done by the Egyptians, and Babylonians) to wit, the tombe of Halyattes  father to Craesus. The foundation or ground whereof is of mighty great stone, the rest of the sepulcher of earth and mould cast up and heaped together in form of a mount, finished and brought to perfection by the toil and pain of certain daymen, and hered labourers, being helped therein and assisted by maids of the Country.

In the top or highest part of the tombe there appeared in our days five limits or several precincts and borders declaring by letters therein engraven how much everyone had wrought and done, whereby it was evident by measure taken that the greatest part thereof was built up and framed by the labour and handiwork of the maids. For the daughters of the Lydians,  are all prostitute and common until such time as by the use of their bodys they have gained and collected a dowry wherewith they be placed out, and given in marriage, which is at their own choice and arbitrement. The compass of the sepulcher was six furlongs and two acres about, the bredth 13. acres, near unto the which there passes a main river, which the Lydians hold opinion to be perpetual, named by them Gygaeus, and thus much of the tomb. The laws  which the Lydians use are almost alll one with the statutes and ordinances of the Grecians save that they set their virgins to open sale and cause them to keep public stews and brothelhouses. These first of all (to our knowledge)  brought in use the coin of silver and gold, instituting shops of mercery, and merchandise, and setting up taverns and wittailinghouses. They challlenge also to themselves the first invention and device of plays and games, which are jointly in use and obseruation with the Grecians, alledging that together, and at the same time they devised these things: and made a draft and sequestration of their countrymen whom they sent to inhabite and possess a part and portion of Hetruria the means also and occasion they affirm to have been these.

In the time  of Atis son of King Manes there was a great scarsity and dearth of vittailes, throughout the whole land of Lydia. In the beginning whereof the Lydians sustained themselves by day labour, and continual toil, but after finding the famine to increase, they sought other shifts and devised means whereby to allay and diminish the great distress and intollerable rage of hunger, whereof arose the gallant device of playing  at Chesses: also dice playing, tennis, and such like, which the Lydians claim and vindicate as proper to themselves, observing this order to delay and forget their hunger: one whole day they spent in play and gaming, never seeking after any meate, another (leaving of to disport and recreate themselves) they made provision of food for the maintenance of their bodys. In which manner they lived the space of eighteen years.

But having no release of their misery,  and perceiving the dearth and penury nothing at alll to surcease: the king divided his people into two parts: one of the which he alllotted to abide and stay in their own Country, commanding the other to abandon the land. Over those that remained stil in Lydia, and departed not the lists of their natiue Country, the king himself held the chief rule and government: placing over the rest his son for their Lord and principal whom he called Terrhenus.

Furthermore they unto whom the lot fell to relinquish and leave the region, held their way to Smyrna: where having built ships such as were fittest and most convenient for carriage: they took the sea to seek both seats and sustenaunce. Until such time as having passed many nations, they came to the Umbrians, where founding and building up cities they made their abode, and dwell there to this day changinge the name of Lydians, with the name of their Kings son whom they had their prince and guide, being after called Tirrhenians. 

But suffice it us to know that the Lydians were subdued and brought in subjection by the Persians. It rests now that we declare and expresse who that Cyrus was,  which vanquished the power and subverted the Kingdom of Craesus. Consequently by what means the Persians achieved the principality and rule of Asia, wherein I will alledge that of which the Persians themselves are authors: who set down unto us a plain and evident truth, not seeking by the vain flourish and pompe of words to augment the noble and valiant acts of their famous King. Cyrus. Right well knowing that all other historians which make report of the same king are found to vary in three sundry tales.

The Assyrians  having held the dominion of Asia the higher for term of 520 years, the first that made insurrection and rebelled against them were the Medes, who behaving themselves manfully and couragiously in the behalf of their liberty shoke of the yoke of bandage, and delivered themselves from the slavery and servitude of their governours, whose example also other nations immediately followd and attempted the like, in so much that all the people of the main land became free, were ruled and governed by their own laws. Til at length they were made thral agayn by these means. There lived in the Country of the Medes, a man of rare and singular virtue named Deioces  son of Phraortes: Who determining to achieve the supremacy framed in his head this conceipt.

The Medes dwellling here and there, scattered by villages, Deioces in very good credit beforetime began more strictly and severely to observe Justice, and follow equity then earst he was accustomd: for that he saw the Medes uniuersally addicted to liberty and licentiousnes, and assuryng himself that injury and wrong were flatly contrary and repugnant to right. The people that dwelled in the same village taking diligent heed to his manners, appointed him a judge to decide their controversies. But he (as having an eye to the seat royal and kingdom of the Medes kept the sincere rule of Justice and swarved not one inch from law and equity. Which doing, besides that he reaped no small praise of his neighbours and acquaintance, he had resort also and repair to him by those that dwelled in other places, and in time well fron all places of the realme, who moved with the good report, and fame of his Justice, came in flocks, adhibiting Deioces for an arbitrator in their causes, having ben foiled and put to the worst, by the false sentence and iniurious verdit of others, and admitting no man to the like office and duty. 

When the numbers of his Clientes were increased, knowing all causes to be justly determined and taken up by him Deioces perceiving himself to be the only man for the whole Country, precisely refused either to abide any longer There where earst he was wont to administer Justice, or at all to intermdy and deal with the causes, allledging that it was fmally to his profite to spend whole days in determination and arbitrement of other men’s causes, omitting the care of his own household, and private affairs.

Wherefore robbery spoil, violence, and alll kind of villany being now more freely and with greater impunity in every place committed then ever before: the Medes assembling a generall counsel, began to deliberate and consult as touching the state and condition of their commonweale. Where (as I am brought to think) the friends and familiars of Deioces consideratly and offset purpose, spoke in this sence. It cannot be (say they) that in this corruption and lewdness of manners we should long enioy and abide in our Country. Go to then let us appoint and ordain over us a King, that our land may be governed by good laws: whereby it may be free for every man quietly to dispose of his own affairs and have no cause to fear lest by the ahomination and outrage of wicked and pernicious manners we be cast out and dispossessed of our own seats. By which words the Medes endured to couch and submit themselves to a King: they began to consider whom they might electe and chose for the sovereign lord of their liberty. Which there doubt the name and remembrance of Deioces, straight ways cut of, who by generall consent and one voice of the whole multitude was named and approved King. And being aduanced to the chiefest dignity, he commanded forthwith a palace to be erected and built up seemly for the majesty and magnificient estate of a prince. Moreover the choice should be made of strong and likely men for the guard and preservation of his body. Which the people of the Medes (willling to gratify him by their prove and ready obedience) immediatly performed raising a mighty and sumptuous court notably fenced and garnished for his safe abode: situated also in the part of the Country which he best fancied, leaving it free and his own liberty to select and picke out of the whole Country of the Medes such as he thought meet for the defence and care of his health. Deioces in full autority and power of a King compelled them also to found a city,  which being by them accordingly furnished and fortiftied, they might have the less regard of their small and homely cottages, which thing the people willlingly agreeing to he environed and fenced in a City with strong and mighty walls, which is now called Ecbatana, where one walll bounds upon another in such manner that the only compass of the one cleane encloses and wholly contains the other every one in like manner exceeding each other in height.

Whereunto the nature of the place gave no small advantage, as having his raise and rearing towards the pitch of a hill. How be it, far more great was the help of art and industry of man, having wrought seven several closures and countermures near adjoining the one to the other. In the last circuit whereof was the palace of the king together with the treasure of the city. The scope and compass of the last and greatest encloses wellny as much, space or more as the wall of Athens. The battlement of the first walll is coloured with white: the second with blacke, the therd with red, the fourth also with blue: or sky coloured, the fifth with yellow, the two last being coped with battlementes, the one of silver the other of gilt. The palace of the king being (as we have heard) strengthened and corroborated with defence and munition, he commanded the rest of the people to dwelll aside on every part round about providing moreover that no man at any time should have access or entrance to his person but that all things should be done by messages to and fro: in so much, that the king seldom or never came under view or sight to any. Above this, it was held neither seemly nor lawful for any man to laugh or spit in presence of the prince or any other. These things are therefore practised and observed by the Medes: that those which were his equales before of approved courage and valiancy: might not have any cause by seeing him to be grieved at his dignity, and consequently to brew treason against his person: but contrarily being abridged of his sight and company it might come into opinion it the king was no part of his people, but a man singled and sequestred from the rest of the multitude. Therewith Deioces having garnished and set forth his majesty, and in perfect manner authorized, and settled himself in his empire, he ministred Justice with great rigor and severity. They which were in plea and controversy one with another put their causes in writing, and by a messenger sent them in to the king, which when he had determined he subscribed his judgement, and sent them back again, executing Justice on this manner.

In other things he held another order, if happily he had intelligence of any that had done wrong or injury to another, sending for him he put him to a paid accoring to the measure of his offence: to which end he had dispersed diuers spies to pry and watch throughout the whole Realme. Thus the whole nation of the Medes fell to the rule and government of Deioces, whereof himself was the only principal. Appertinent to the title and seat of the Medes are thus many several peoples.  The Busans, Paratacenians, Struchates, Arizantyns, Budyans, Magians. All which were under the soveraignty of the Medes. After the decease of Deioces,  whose reign continued the term of 53. Years his son Phraortes took upon him the governmente. Who not content to be King of the Medes alone, moved war upon the Persians,  and made them subject to the power of Media, and having the rule and dominion of both nations the people of the which were mighty and valiant he subdued also Asia, muading divers other countries, now one and then another, til at length he came to give assault to the Assyrians, I mean those that whylom were chief of all the rest, but at that instant renounced and forsaken of alll their Subjects by rebellion. Nevertheless of themselves in very good estate. Against whom Phraortes under taking a voyage the 22. Therere of his reign,  was slain in battle and the most part of his army put to the sword.

After whose death Cyaxares his son and Nephew to Deioces came to the crown, who had the name to be of greater prowess and might in war then any of his ancestors. Wherefore he distinguished into bands troops the people of Asia, and first of all arranged his army into an order of spearmen: horseemn and bowmen, whereas before all were confused and out of array. This is he who warred with the Lydians, at such time as the day was turned into night:  and who having purchased the favour of alll Asia that lies about the river Halys, mustered a power of men against the city Ninus, as well to take revenge of his father’s death as to vanquish and destroy the City.

But in the meantime while he foiled the Assyrians in the field, and held them at bay within the City, he was of a sudden encountered with an huge army of the Scithians led and guided by Madyis their King, successor to his father Protothias. Who having driven the Symmerians out of Europe broke from thence into Asia, and being in quest and pursuit of those whom they had flighted in battle came into Media.

The distance between the two rivers Maeotis and Phafis even unto the Country of Colchis is 30. days journey for a light footman: but between Colchis, and the land of the Medes the way is short, and the travel east, one only region lying between them, which is the Country of the people called Saspires: which after we have passed, the next step is into Media. Notwithstanding the Scithians took not this course but fetched a compass about another way, towards the upper regions leaving the mount Caucasus on their right hand. The Medes entering battle with the Scithians. were by them vanquished, and lost the title and superiority of alll Asia. Wherefore the Scithians surprising the dominion of Asia, went from thence the next way into Egypt, but arriving in Siria Palaestina they were met by Psammitichus Prince of the Egyptians by whose gentle intreaty and great rewards they were stated from goyng any further, wherefore retyring back again after they were come to the City Afcallon in Syria, many of them passed by quietly, without offer of damage or injury, howbeit some drooping behind rifled the chapel of Venus Urania,  being of greatest standing and antiquity, amongst all the temples that were ever erected to that Goddess: for the Palace of Venus in Cyprus took oryginal of this, as the Cyprians themselves testify. The temple also extant at Citherea was built by the Phaenicians, which were a progeny and offspring of the Syrians. But the Goddess moved with wrath against those that wrought the spoile and pillage of her temple, punished both themselves and all those which came of them with the feminine sicknesss. Which thing the Scithians also granted: who are easily brought to confess that the cause was such, and none other why they are tainted and infected with this disease. Neither is it hard for those that travel into Scithia, with their own eyes to behold them, which are thus diseased, whom the Scithians call Enareas,  that is, execrable and accursed. Asia Therefore was held by this people 28. years, for which time proudly and injuriously exercising government they made waste and havoc of all.

For beside the ordinary pension of tribute, they exactd so much of everyone severally as their pleasure was to rate them at.

Wherewith also hardly satisfied they committed spoil and robbery throughout alll the Country. Wherefore Cyaxares and his people the Medes, entertaining the most part of them with sumptuous feasts, and all sorts of delicious and daynty fare: watching their time when the Scithians were overladen with drink, they set upon them and slew them. By which means recovering the empire with all that they had before, they took also the City Ninus. The which in what sort it was by them taken, and how they brought under their rule all the Assyrians, save only Babylon, it shall else whereby declared.

Now when as Cyaxares  had reigned 40. years and reclaimed the Kingdom from the Scithians, he ended his life, and Astyages his son ruled in his stead: of whose loines issued a goodly gentlewoman named Mandâne: whom her father on a night dreamed  to have let her urine in so great aboundance, it to it filled the whole City, and covered Asia with a main flood. The meaning whereof after he had learned of the Magi (who had skill to lay open and interpret dreams) attainted with exceeding fear, he resolved to marry his daughter (being now of ripe years) to none of the noble blood of the Medes which might seem worthy of her person: but to a certain Persian named Cambyses, whon he knew to be of a good house and of nature remiss and quiet. Albeit with himself in far less accompt then a mean man of the Medes. The same year he had placed his daughter with Cambyses, he saw another vision no less strange then the former: wherein there seemed unto him out of the womb of his daughter to grow a vine that overspread and shadowed alll Asia, and having knowledge what it meant, immediatly sent for his daughter from Persia, where she abode: to whom being great with child, and near the time of her delivery, he assignd a straight and diligent watch, in full purpose to destroy that whatsoever she had brought forth into the world: being given him to understand by the wise Magi, the interpretors of dreams, that the issue of his daughter should reign in his stead.

Which thing Astyages carefully noting, presently at the birth of Cyrus, sent for Harpagus his most familiar and faithful counsel, and the only solicitor and dealer in all his affairs. To whom he said on this manner: My good and trusty servant Harpagus, I straightly warn you not to neglect the charge I shall lay upon you, nor in any wise to delay the speedy disrightch and accomplishment of the same. Beware you dost not deceive me, and take heed, least reposing your trust in other to do it for you, you be a cause unto yourself of grievous revenge.

Take this little brat of my daughter Mandâne, and, carry it home with the to yours house, and slay it: which done, take order also by some secret means to see it buried: to whom he answered. Most noble Prince, your majesty at no time enjoined ought to Harpagus that he scorned to do, and shall he from henceforth neglect your hests?

Be it your will and pleasure, I shall do it: it is my duty and dover to perform it.

Which having said, the young infant was delivered into his hands in a rich and coastly mantle whom he receiving departed home to his own house the tears trickling down his cheeks for sorrow. Whether being come he opened to his wife alll the words that had passed between himself and the king, who began to demand him in these words. And what then my lord are you mindd to do?

Certes (quoth he) albeit I am commanded by Astyages: yet while I live will I never be brought to commit so detestable a villany: be he never so mad, and ten hundred times more enraged then he is at this present, both for that this poor seely brat is of mine own kindred and alliance, and then because Astyages himself is now old and without issue of a man child. After whose whose death if by fortune his daughter should aspire to the crown (whose son I am charged to bereave of his life) what else could I hope for but the most cruel and miserable death that could be devised? Nevertheless, for mine own safety’s sake, I hold it necessary this child should die, yet not by any of mine, but by some of the Kings own servants. His talk ended, forthwith he sent a messenger to the heardman of Astyages whom he knew wost conveniently to be resident in such pastors and hills as were haunted and frequented with wild beasts. The heardman’s name was Mitradates: whose mate in bed and fellow in service was a poor lay woman named in the Greeke tongue Cyno, which signifies a Bitch: in the Median lauguage Spaco, Spaca, in the common use of their speech being the right name for a bitch. The pastour where he grased his cattle were bordering to the foot or bottom of a desert mountain, lying to the North side of Eobatana, and to the Euxine sea: all that coast of the land of Media which tends towards the people Saspires, being very high and full of hills and forrests, but the rest much more low and plain. The heardman receiving the messuage, and repairing to the house of Harpagus after he was come thither, he began to salute him in these words.  Gentle Syria (quoth he) it is the Kings will you take this little infant and let him in the most wild and desert place of the woods where he may soonest be devoured. Which words his majesty conmanded me to say unto you, with this greeting moreover, that if in case you make not speedy disrightch of it, but by some means save it and keep it alive, yourself instead thereof shall die the death. Which thing also that it might be done without deceipt, he gave me in precise charge with mine own eyes to behold the child dead, with which words the poor soul took the babe, and returned the same way he came to his base and simple cottage. Now it fortuned that all that day his wife lay in travail of childbirth, and (as the Gods would have it) in the mean space while her husband went to the city, was delivered of a son: being very sollicitous and careful one for another: Mitradates for it safe delivery of his wife: Cyno for the good success of her husband, who besides custom was sent for by Harpagus. Being returned home, and with great ioy received of his sorrowful wife, she curiously demanded of him what the cause might be, that in such post has he was summoned by Harpagus to come to the city. To whom he said (my dear wife) at my coming to the city I both heard and saw that which I would to God I had never seen, nor it had been done by our Lords and masters. All the house of Harpagus resounding with teares and yelling with most pitiful outcries and lamentation. Whereinto after I was entered alll agast and astonished for fear I beheld a comly younge child lying in the middes of the house quaking and cryng wrapped in a rich mantel of gold and diverse colours, whom Harpagus (having espthed me) commanded me to take by and by, and cast it out in the main forrest for a pray and spoile to the sauage and rauenous beasts: adding moreover it Astyages charged me
so to do, with great threats and men•cinges if I should do otherwise. The child I took and have brought with me supposing it to belong to some one of the court: for that I would never have thought it to have ben of the kings own blood. Notwithstanding I marveld much to see that so rychly arrayed with gold and sumptuous attyre: as also what it might mean that Harpagus and alll his family so bitterly wayled in extreame wae and heavines. Now in the way I was acertaind of alll the matter by a servant
that brought me out of the city, and delivered the child into my hands: who told me it was the son of Mandane our Kings daughter, begotten of Cambyses son of Cyrus,, and that Astyages commanded it should be slain: and this is he. Wherewithall he unfolden the mantle and showd the child to his wife. The selie woman beholding the young babe to be fair and beautiful and of body large and welll proportioned, fell down on her knees, and bathinge her husbandes feet with her lukewarme teares she besought him in no wife to imbrue his hands in the blood of an infant so goodly and welll favoured. Who allleaging that it could not be otherwise, because that Harpagus would send his servants to see it dead, and that himself should be miserably tormented to death. The woman which by yours time had set abroach a new device began a fresh to counsaile him saying. If There be no remedie but needes you must lay it out: yet heare me once again and follow my counsel how you mayst craftely dispense with the kings commandeemnt and save the child. This day have I brought forth a young infant which was stil born and dead in it wombe. Take it Therefore and saying it out in the desert: let us keep and foster this in the steed, so shall it neither be known it you hast disobathed the king, and our selves shall gain the heavenly ioy of so goodly an infant. By this means (my good husband) both our dead child cast out in this Kingly  vesture shall enjoy a royall and princely sepulcher: and this poor seely innocent that is assignd to die shall be preserved and kept alive. Which devise fitted the neatheard’s humour so well that without any longer deliberation, he put it in practise. Wherefore giving to his wife the child which he was mindd to have slain, his own brat that was still born gallantly decked in the others array, he took and laid out in a most wilde and vast mountain. Which done the 3. day after he had cast it forth (leaving another to oversee the neat) he posted him to the city to the house and mansion place of Harpagus, giving him to understand that the child, was dead, and that for more assurance he might behold it where he lay: who sending with him certain of his servants in whom he reposing greatest assurance willed them to take view thereof, who finding it to be so (as they thought) in stead of Mendanes  son took the heardman’s child, and buried it. Now the other young brat it was after called Cyrus was brought up and cherished by it grasier’s wife who notwithstanding, as yet did not calll him Cyrus, but by some other name. The child arriving to the age of ten years, discovered his progeny, and opened himself by this deed, and sporting in a village where the heard grased, and being at sport and play with his equals, he chaunced by the other children his playfellows to be chosen King. 

The boy incontinently limiting to everyone his proper charge, took upon him like a younge Prince indeed, ordaining straight some of them to build houses, and others to guard his Body, and to attend upon his person, one for the steward of his court, another for his legate and ambassadour to foreign countries: lastly such a one as might control and oversee the rest: binding every man with a several duty. Among this company of little waggs there used to play a young boy the son of Artembares, a man of great calling and principal respect among the Medes, whom Cyrus for that he refused to obey his authority, and do as he bad him, caused the other boys to take and lay hold on, which they doing, he beat him spightfully and without measure. The boy taking it heavily to be thus abused, was no sooner escaped from them, but he ran home crying to the city where his father dwelled and complained of the wrong and violence done to him by Cyrus: albeit not callling him Cyrus (for as yet he had not that name) but the son of Astyages’ heardman. Artembares transported with choler, in a rage took his son by the hand, and led him to the King, where declaring the intolerable misusage of his child, opened his coat and showd his shoulders, saying. Is it meet (O King) that we be thus abused by the wretched brat of your heardman? Astyages willling to gratify Artembares and do him honour by revenging his son’s quarrel, caused the heardman’s boy to be sent for: who bring come, Astyages casting towards him a sterve and frowning look, began in this wise: why sirrah (quoth he) you little punion, is it for so base a brat as yourself, born of a beggerly vassall, to scourge and whip in such sort a child sprong of a noble house, whose father is one of the peers and chief men of my realm? The boy  beholding the king with a bold and steadfast countenaunce answered thus. Why my Lord (quoth he) that which I have done I have done by Justice, for our town boys, in whose crew this was, appointing me their king, as the meetest of them all to bear rule, this fellow would not obey me, and thought scorn to do as I bad him: for which cause according to his due desert I sharply punished him, and if I for so doing be worthy to be beaten, here I am do with me what you will. Whiles the boy spoke these words, Astyages his hart began to rise: for he seemed to himself to acknowledge the countenaunce of the boy, callling to mind the form and signs of his face, besides, his stately and liberal gesture: the term also of his years hit so right with the time of his casting out, that he verily thought him to be his young nephew. Whereat some what astonished he remained silent for a space, and hardly at the length returning to himself (being desirous to send away Artembares, to the end he might talk alone with the heardman) he spoke thus. My meaning is O Artmbares (quoth he) in such sort to deal in this matter that you shall think yourself satisfy, and your son have no cause to complain. With which words Artmbares taking his humble leave of the king, Cyrus was lead into an inner parlour. Astyages being now alone with the heardman, began to parle with him where he had the boy, or how he came by him. Who thinking it best to stand to his tackling affirmed stoutly that he was his own son, and that his mother was living with him at home at his house. To whom the king casting an angry smile: Certes (quoth he) good fellow you art not yours own friend to run willfully into the briers, and to be cause unto yourself of a terrible death: and presently making a sign to his guard to lay hold on him they took him in purpose to have lead him away. But the miserable neatheard oppressed with extremity and driven to so near a straight, resolved with himself abandoning all fained allegations to seek refuge by confessing the truth: wherefore opening the whole matter from the first head and beginning, he fell down on his knees, and humbly craved pardon of the King. Astyages hearing him without glose or colour to speak as it was, made light of his fault and let him go, sending certain of his court for Harpagus against whom his stomach was inflamed with great wrath and indignation, to whom appearing in presence he spoke as follows. Tell me Harpagus  in truth (quoth he) by what death did you murder the child that I gave unto the begotten and born of my daughter Mandâne: who seeing Mitradates the heardman present, thought it not best to dissemble and conceal the matter by fayning, least he were taken up for triping and convicted of a lie: but framing this answer: he said. My sovereign lord and King, after I had received the Infant at your grace’s hand, I cast in my head the best way and fittest means to obey and fulfill your will: and that in such sort also, that avoiding your Majesty’s displeasure, I might neither be a minester of bloodshed to your princely self, nor to your noble daughter. For which consideration I wrought thus. sending for this heardman grasier of your majesties Neat, I gave into his hands the new born brat, with a weighty and precise commandment from your gracious highness to put him to death: and in so saying I spoke no more then truth, for so much as your pleasure was it should be so. In this sort I committed unto him the babe with an earnest and careful charge to lay it out in the desert chases of the wild and inhabitable rocks and mountains, adding a hundred thousand threats of the most cruel and pestilent death in the world if in case he should let, or in the least point refuse to perform it with diligence. Which done by him and the infant being dead, of my most assured and trusty servants I sent some to behold the child having now expired and breathed forth his last blast who finding it cold, and without since, laid it in the earth and buried it. This stands the case O king and by this death the child perished. Now as touching this discourse of Harpagus his talk was directed and grounded on a flat and sincere truth.

But Astyages making no semblance of anger of that which had happened, began and told him first of the heardman’s confession proceeding orderly with the rest, till at length he came to say thus. For that the child lives and by the benefit opportune and favour of the Gods has escaped death I greatly reioice as being disquieted with no small anguish and torment of conscience to consider the villany and wicked treeson wrought against it, and being often challenged by my daughter, for the privy murder and concealed death of her child, I was not a little gauled and afflicted in thought. But in that fortune has turned all to the best: send me heither your son to be a playfellow and companion to my little nephew, and see you come yourself back again and accompany me at supper. For the truth is I am in purpose to do sacrifice to the Gods immortall for the safe recovery of the child, to whom the honour and chief praise of this gracious and fortunate hap dos especially belong.

Harpagus hearing this, did his humble reverence to the King, exceeding joyous at the favourable issue and good event of his fault, and not a little glad besides that as a fellow and companion of the King’s mirth and comfort he was invited to supper. Wherefore departing home he no sooner entred within the doors but with all speed he caused his son to be sought out, whom being of the age of 13. years he sent to the court willling him to do whatsoever he was commanded by the King. Himself as one ready to leap out of his skin for ioy, with merry contenance and smiling cheerily declared to his wife immediately the whole course and tenour of his happy success. His son arrived at the King’s palace:  Astyages incontinently slew, and cutting and dismembering him into small pieces: part thereof he commanded to be rosted, and other part sodden: both excellently well seasoned and relished, to be kept in a readiness. At supper time the guests being gathered together, and amongst them Harpagus the King himself with the rest were served with messes of mutton wherewith the word was generally spred, save only Harpagus, before whom were set the parts of his torn and mangled child, except the head, the hands, and the feet, which were severally kept and set aside in a basket.

Of these lamentable deinties,  after Astyages judging his guest to have well fed, he demanded him the question how he liked his chere: who having avouched himself greatly delighted therewith as the sweetest and most delicate meat that ever he tasted: certain appointed for the nonce drew near with the basket conteyning the head, hands, and feet, who willling him to open it, and choose of those things which were in it what liked him best, he discovered the mand and beheld the residue of his murdered child: wherewith somewhat abashed, yet rightously kept himself from open outrage. Now Astyages asking him whether he knew the head of that beast, of whose flesh he had fed so freshly, he made him answer, yea, and stood contented with that, whatsoever his majesty should do at any time. Immediatly he arose from the table and taking the remnantes of his unfortunate and wretched brat, framed his steps towards his own house, in mind (as I judge) to inter and bury the remnantes of that accursed and boucherly act. On this manner did king Astyages take revenge of his faithful and beloved servant Harpagus. After which entering into deliberation of Cyrus,  he called for the wise men named Magi, by whose means he came to knowledge of his dream, to whom after they were come he moved a question about the true construing and exposition of his vision, who yielding the same answer that they did before, that it behoved the boy if he were living to reign and be King. Astyages tooke immediatly their talk by the end, and going forward: Of a truth (quoth he) it is most certain that the Child is living, and fares very welll. And when as in the Country where he was brought up, the children of his own village in way of pastime had made him a king look what they do that are Kings indeed, the selfsame in like manner did he. For appointing his wayghters, his porters, his messengers to go to and fro with other such like dutys and offices, he bare himself amongst them like a young prince.

Now tell me therefore you that have skill, what think you of this? If the child live (say they) and have already born rule and that not advisedly or of premeditate purpose but by chance and destiny. Be of good courage then (O king) we warrant you he has taken his leave and shall rule no more. For some of our prophecies, soothsayings, and conjectures come to small effect: and as mere phantasies, and idle dreams prove very light and fall to nothing. Surely (quoth the king) and I think no less being of this opinion also that for as much as he has once been named and held for a King, my dream has his end, and that we have no more need to fear him any longer. Nevertheless I leave it to your wisdom carefully to consider what may befall, and give me such counsel and advise as may be safest both for the maintenance of my scepter and for the continuance of your own estates, to whom they answered. It is greatly to be wished and desired of us (O mighty Prince) that your Kingdom perpetually endure, for otherwise if it should descend or be translated to this boy, which is a Persian what could we look for that are Medes and aliens, then to be held and kept under in bondage and slavery. Whereas on the other side under your government (whose natural subjectes we hold an accompt ourselves) we are in manner princes over them, and with yourself in great credit and honor. By how much the rather we ought to have diligent respect of your prosperous reign, and at this time also to advertise and warn the if we sawe, or were privy to ought that might be prejudicial to your royal person, but for as much as the vision is come to so slender proof, that in event it seems a trifle, both ourselves are in good hope, and will your grace also not to despair, but to send home the child into Persia, to his parentes: Whereat Astyages greatly rejoicing, callling for Cyrus said unto him: My son, albeit heretofore by means of a fond and friuolous vision, I did the injury: yet by your own good fortune and happy destiny, you are kept alive. Now thefore joifully get the home to the Persians with those whom I have appointed to be your guides, where you shall find a father not like to the heardman Mitradates, and a mother much better then your nourse Cyno. With which words he took his leave of him and sent him away.

When they were come  to the house of Cambyses, Cyrus was received of his parents, who having knowledge that he was their son, kissed and embraced him a million of times, holding themselves the most happy and fortunate people in the world, for the sudden and unhoped recovery of their sweet son, whom they never thought to have seen alive. And curiously demanding of him how, and by what means he escaped, he made them answer, that til this time he never knew: being altogether ignorant of his kindred and lineage, adding moreover it for ought he knew he was the very naturall and lawful child of Astyages his heardman, save that only in the way he had intelligence of his whole misfortune and strange hap by those which were given him of Astyages for his safe conduct into Persia. He declared therefore in what sort he was nourished, and kept up by the fieldman’s wife, whom in all his talk he greatly praised and commended, in so much it always at one end of his tale was his sweet and dearly beloved Cyno: which name his parents hearing,  to the end it deliverance of their son might seem more strange and miraculous, they blazed abroad that Cyrus was brought up and cherished of a bitch: whereof consequently sprang and arose a fained tale.

Cyrus growing in years and approaching near to man’s estate, waxed of all equals the most valiant and hardy, and in passing favour and goodwilll with all men, whom Harpagus often urged by sundry gifts and presents to take revenge of his grandfather Astyages. For seing that by himself being a private man there was no way to repay the injury done him by the king (Cyrus being now at ripe and mature age) he thought good to make him, who had all one cause to have all one together. Furthermore, he wrought this, at what time Astyages through the peevishness of age dealt very cruelly, and like a tyrant with the Medes. Harpagus clawing favour, and insinuating himself with the Peers of the realm, persuaded then to deprive Astyages of the supreme dignity, and make choice of Cyrus for their high and sovereign Prince. And seing his pretended treason together well to fadge and go forward, willling to make Cyrus of counsel (which thing for that all the roads into Persia were intercluded and guarded by watch and ward, was hard to be done) he came in mind of this conceipt:  having finely and cunningly drawn out the garbedge of an hare, he conceived into her belly a letter wherein was set forth and declared his whole mind: which together with the hare and nets delivering to an huntsman, one of his own household servants, whom he especially trusted, he sent into Persia, giving him in charge to deliver it into Cyrus his own hands, and to request him to cut up the hare secretly by himself and without company. The fellow together executing his master’s willl, took the hare to Cyrus, who opening her belly found the letter enclosed, which he unfolded and read in these terms. 

You son of Cambyses (whom no doubt the Gods tender and regard, for otherwise you had never mounted to so great estate) take vengeance now of Astyages, the seeker of your utter spoil and destruction.

For by his desire you had died the death, but by the favour of the Gods and by means of me, you remainst alive. All the course of which your bagical and unhappy fortune I doubt not but you know of olde: as also the villainy and execrable together done to me by Astyages, in that myself refusing to kill you gave you over into the hands of his neatheard.

Now together if you will listen to me, the whole kingdom of the Medes shall be subject to your power. Seek first of all to allure the minds of the Persians to slip together, and forget, which done put yourself in voyage against the Medes, in full hope and assurance to enioy the crown. For be it myself or any other of the nobles of Media whom the king shall assign to come forth against the and give the battle, we have all given hands with one consent to rebate the power of the Medes, and joining ancientes to march under one banner, to the utter overthrow and deprivation of that cruel and malicious tyraunt. The account is cast, that together made, and nothing wanting, but that which we earnestly with for, and shortly for, your quick and speedy arrival. The letter read and perused,  Cyrus cast with himself what sleight or art he might now use to induce and move the Persians to sedition and finding one not altogether unfit for his purpose, he determined to make trial thereof, inditing a letter in such words as he thought best, after this he summoned a general concourse and meeting of the Persians, where opening the letter he signifthed to them that Astyages had appointed him lieutenant or principal of Persia. For which cause you Persians (said he) I will and command you, to resort heither every man furnished and provided of his hook or bill, which charge given he brake up the assembly.

Now it is meet we know that many sorts of people are together under the general name of Persians. Certain whereof Cyrus together enticed them to rebel, which were such that of them all the rest depended.

The names of the people be these.

The Artatians, Persians, Pasargadians, Meraphians, Mafians: of which number the Pasargadians are the most noble and renowned: amongst whom is the stock and family of the Achaemenides, out of the which the Kings of Persia are always chosen and elected. There be also other Persians besides these, as the Parthelians, Derufians, Germanians, addicted to the trade of tillage and manuring the ground. Other also that have principal regard of grasinge and feeding cattle, to wit, the Dayans, Mardians, Drophicians, Sagartians. All which ready prest with their sicles and hedging bills, Cyrus took and lead into a field of 18. or 20 furlongs exceedingly overgrown and pestered with bushes, which in one day’s space they clean cut up and carried away. Wherefore the next day following he commanded them to be present again every man handsomely and well arrayed. Himself in the mean season gathering together whole heards of goats, shepe and oxen, all that his father had, he slew them to make provision of a sumptuous and magnificent banquet wherewith to feast and entertain the whole host and company of the Persians. The next day ensuing when (as Cyrus had commanded) the Persians were assembled and come together, he caused them to sit down in a great and large field, where as merry as crickets, they fell freshly to those chats which in great plenty and aboundance were set before them. At after dinner Cyrus demanded of them whether of the two they rather wished, the labour past, or the pleasure present. To whom they replied that there was no comparison or equality between them: for as no pain and misery was absent from the one: so no pleasure and felicity was wanting to the other. Which their answer Cyrus taking hold of presently went forward saying. My friends and countrymen of Persia, even so it fares with you, and at such choice and election you now stand. For giving your consent to obey and follow me: both these and many other infinite conmodities shall redound unto you, without the toilsome yoke of servitude and slavery, but refusing my counsel, a whole sea of miseries do dayly threaten you, not unlike the toil and wretchedness that yesterday you abode. Be ruled then by me and attain your freedom, for both I myself am provided by divine lot and appointment of the Gods, by whose means you should enter into this paradise of blessedness, and you in nothing (especially in martial courage) were ever accompted inferiour to the Medes. What rests then but that in defiance to Astyages and the title of the Medes, you cast of the yoke of servitude, and become free.

The Persians long since moved  with disdain to see thenselves overtopd and kept under by the Medes: having the opportunity of a captain, with hands and feet (as they say) vowed themselves to obey Cyrus, and recover their liberty. These things sounding in the ears of Astyages: Cyrus by a purseuant was cited up to appeare at the court:whom he returned back again with this answer, that his meaning was to come very speedily and somewhat to soon for his purpose. At which news Astyages immediatly prepared a power of the Medes, over whom in an ill hour  he placed Harpagus general, not minding the injury he had done unto him. The army prepared, and the Medes and Persians meeting in the field: they which were not privy to the purpose of Harpagus, began to fight and bicker with the enemy: the rest without offer of violence joining with them. Other there were, that with small resistance turned their backs to the Persians and fled amain.

The host of Astyages being in this wise dispersed and shronk in the wetting, news was brought thereof to the king, who in a great heat of choler and outrage, menacing Cyrus said. Let the traitour be assured he shall not thus escape. Howbeit, first of all  apprehending the wise men Magi, by whose counsel he was brought to let Cyrus depart, he hanged them up every man, not leaving one alive. After this he put in armour the rest of the Medes, it were in the city both young and old: with whom being present in the field. After that for a while he had abidden the might and power of the Persians, he was driven to fly, and in the fleeting was taken alive, with the loss and perdition of his whole army.  Over whom being now captive, Harpagus his counsaylour greatly insulted, with open scoffs and reproachful taunts, adding nothing it might gaul and grieve him to the very hart: laying in his teeth the supper wherein he had caused him to seed of his son’s flesh. For which cause he had now made him of a King a vassall. Why then (quoth Astyages) dost you now challlenge the deed of Cyrus to yourself, who alledging on the other side that it was his deed and done by him, for that Cyrus was moved there unto by his letters. Astyages answered that of all men he held him most void of wit and goodwilll to his Country. The one, for that having power to be king himself, he had yielded it over to another: the other in that for malice of one supper he had brought his own Country into perpetual *eading*. For had it ben necessary to have put over the kingdom from himself to another, it had ben much better to have chosen a Mede then a Persian whereas now the Medes being nothing guilty of that fact, were become of rulers, slaves, and the Persians that heitherto had lived in bondage were now come to be lords themselves.

On this manner  king Astyages having the space of 35. years born rule in Media: was deprived of his seat: by whose cruelty and sore dealing the Medes came in subjection to the Persians after they had held the supremacy of all Asia above the flood Halys an hundred twenty eight years, saving the time that the Scithians *eading* the *eadin*. Afterwards the Medes repenting themselves of that they had done, revolted from Darius, but being overcome in battle, they were again perforce driven to obedience. The Persians by whose means Cyrus vanquished his grandfather Astyages, having the chief rule and dominion of Asia. Cyrus doing no violence to Astyages, kept him in his house to the back of his death. such therefore was the birth and education of Cyrus, and the means whereby he achieved the Kingdom: who not longe after triumphed over King Craesus his professed enemy, of whom we spoke before: by which his victory he wan the full title and possession of all Asia.

Furthermore the rites and customs which the Persians use I find to be these. First for images, temples, and altars, they never build any, and accompt it great follie and madnesss in those that do build them. For this cause as I judge they think not the Gods to come of the progeny and lineage of men, as the Graecians do. Wherefore making choice of the highest and most lofty hills of the Country on the tops of them they do sacrifice unto Iupiter by which name they understand the whole cop and vaut of heaven, giving also like honor and reverence to the sun, the Moone, the Earth the Fire, the Water, and the Winds: imputing to these alone a divine nature and deity, which from the beginning they have had in honour. Notwithstanding in course of time they began to buckle and pray to Urania: which manner they drew from the Assyrians and Arabians. Venus of the Assyrians is called Militta, in Arabia Allitta, by the Persians Metra. The ceremonies *eading* by them to be kept and observed in time of sacrifice are these. They neither set up any aulter, or *eadin* any fire at all, omitting also to say or taste of the sacrifice before the immolation. Pipes, Miters, saltcakes, they never use. But as every one is purposed to make oblation to the heavenly powers, so *eading his host or sacrifice into a fair and cleaned place, he humbles himself in prayer to some one of the Gods having his head decked with a nightcap usuallly worn of the women of Persia, bound about for the most part, and roned with mirtle. Being always provided that the party which makes the offering hold it not lawful to pray for himself only or to make supplication for any private or peculiar commoditie of his own, but uniuersally for the whole realm and multitude of the Persians, and chiefly for the king. The sacrificer himself being a part and parcell of the whole number: so that in praying for alll others he prays for himself. This also: cutting and hewing the hallowd beast into small and slender pieces, they incontinently boiled it: which done making diligent inquisition for the softest and smothest grass they can find, and especially trifolly or three leaved grasse, they spred thereon the sodden flesh, over which a Magician yelps out a song of the beginning and childhod of the Gods, which they accompt a most forceable and valorous incantation. Without this Magician:  they hold no sacrifice lawful or rightly performed. After this the sacrificer takes the flesh, and applies it to what use it seems him good. Of all the days in the year they observe with greatest ioy and solemnity their byrthday. Wherein, then at other times, they use larger diet with greater plenty and aboundance of meat: in so much that the richer and wealthier sort set whole oxen, camels, horses, and asses upon the bord, prepared and rosted in a fornace. such as are of meaner ability and substance celebrate their natiuity with beasts of less quantity. Little meat sufficeth them: the greatest part of their provision consisting in choice chats and junketting dishes. and those not very toilsome and dainty. Hereof it comes that the Persians obiect to the Grecians their short meals and quick dinners, for that (say they) they have nothing pleasant, dilicate, or worth eating, whereby they may be allured to sit longe at meat. Which if they had (no doubt) they would quat their Stomachs to the full and seldom or never arise hungry.

Moreover the Persians  generally are very much given to wine. Being notwithstanding forbidden by the law to breake or vomite in company, or to make water where they may be seen, which manner and custom they keep as yet.  Commonly when they have tipled so long they see a piece of the devil, they by and by fall into question and consultation of grave and serious matters: and look what is agreed upon among their cups the same the next day following is propounded by the host of the house where the senate was held: and if in like manner they alllow and think well of it being sober, they use it, if otherwise, they refuse it. On the other side whatsoever in time of sobriety has ben determined by them, the self same they ruminate and run over a fresh, being well moisetned with wine.

If they meet one another in the way it is no hard matter to know whether they be equales or superiours each to other. For being of like reputation they kysse each other on the mouth. If the one be somewhat the others superiour, after a more modest and bashful fashion they kiss on the cheeks. If much more set by and of far greater regard the base and unnoble fallls flat on the earth in honour and reverence to the other. Behaving themselves with all dutifull deemanour and curteous usage towards them, which are next dwellers, and neighhbours unto them.

In the second degree embracing and making much of those who dwelll near also and border upon their neighbours, and so consequently the nearer everyone is in place to them the greater he is in friendship and familiarity, esteeming thenselves of alll men the best.

To those which are furthest separate and disjoined from them in distance of place they disdain to show the least point of ciuility, in full accompt that of all men living there is none like unto themselves in anything, and as every man has nearest propinquity to them in place and neighbourhood so they deem him to excell others in virtue and good living, making least accompt of those that dwell furthest of and most of themselves.

Furthermore in the time of the Medes empire,certain families exercised mutualll government, that is, were rulers over some and ruled by others, for the Medes generally wear rulers and chieflly over those that dwelled next them: who in like sort had the oversight of such as bordered upon them: to whom also in order was permitted the rule and moderation of others. Like to this manner of government was the love and familarity that was also of the Persians, always loving those best that were their nearest neighbours. Of all countries in the world the Persians are most delighted with foreign and outlandish manners: wherefore leaving their own Country vesture, they put themselves in Medish attire, deeming it better and more seemly them their own, wearing upon their hands a kind of placars or stomacher used of the Egiptians. Moreover they are drawn with all kind of pleasure and delight which they can either invent thenselves or learn of other: learning of the Grecians to be in love with beautiful boys. They wed many virgines, and woo more concubynes. In the next place to strenght and valiaunt courage, they make most of him it has most children, whon annually the king indues with a great reward as though he had achieved some notable act. Their children from 5. there old til they come to 20. they train and bring up in 3 principal things in riding, in shooting, and speaking truth. The child never comes into the father’s sight before he is 5 year old, but is brought up privily among the company of women, to the end it if the child die before he aspire to that age the father may conceave no grief or sorrow for the same. Which custom truly I greatly conmend: as also this it it be not lawfull for the king for one offence to bereave a man of his life: nor for any of it Persians to practise cruelty upon his family being moved thereto by one only transgression. But breathing upon the cause if by good adviseemnt he found more and greater faults committed then duties performed: then to give the bridle to his anger and work his will. Besides they are in opinion in it Country, it no man at any time slew his own father: but that the child so doing upon examination and trial had of his byrth is always found to be a bastard and changeling.

Thinking it a thinge unpossible that the natural child should ever adventure to brew the destruction of his own and lawful sire. Whatsoever is dishonest to do that also they esteem unseemly to speak. But of all things they accompt it most abominable to lie: and next to that to be much in debt: both for many other respects, and chiefly because they think it scarse possible for him that owes much not to dissemble and lie much, if any one be infected with leprosy, or otherwise di**eined with uncleannes of the body, he may not come within the City, or use the company of any Persian, alledging that for offence and transgression against the sun they were punished and attainted with such diseases. And if happily it befall a stranger or forreigner to be taken with such like sicknesss, they banish and expell him the Country: for the same reason also chasting and scaring alll Pigeons and doves out of the circuit and compass of their region. It is open blasphemy with the same people, (not only repugnant to good manners and civility) to piss or spit into any brook or river, likewise to wash his hands therein, or any such like, whereof the water may conceave any manner filth or corruption: very devoutly and with great religion, yielding worship and honour to the floods and rivers. This also is peculiar to the Persians, which not marked by them, is known of us, it all the words in their language which consist of 4 or more sillables do commonly end in one letter: which letter the Doors call san the Iones Sigma. And if we look more narrowly into their speech, and note that well we shall find not only some but all the names of the Persians to have their termination and endinge alike which for it I know it assuredly I am not afraid to avouch it constantly, being in half a doubt in like sort to warrant and bear out the truth of those things which the same people are said to observe about the dead bodys of their countrymen, whom (as the rumor is) they never bury or intumulate before such time as either by dogs or fouls of the air, they are drawn and hailed about. Which things that their wiseemn do, whom they calll Magi, I dare undoubtedly affirm, because they manifestly do them. The Persians therefore enrolling and wrapping the dead body in waxe they afterwards interrupt and lay it in the grave. The Magi do much dissent and differ from other men: being also unlike and divers in their customs from the priestes of Egypt. For the Egyptian Priests refuse to defile and pollute themselves with the slaughter of any creature, saving of those which they sacrifice to the Gods. But the Persian Magi are not squemish or dainty to imbrew their hands in the blood of any living thing whatsoever, only excepted a man or a dog esteeming it in manner of a conquest to be noted for a common killer and destroyer of Ants, Serpents, birds, worms and such like, wherein they greatly glory. Suffice it now of the Persian fashions and order of living to have spoken hitherto, eftsones making recourse to that from the which we have somewhat digressed.

The people of Ionia and Æolia  hearing the Lydians with so small endeavour and well without blows to be conquered by the Persians put in ambassage to Cyrus certain of the chief peers of either Country offering to stand at the same conditions to him as they did before time to Craesus. To whose suit and humble petition Cyrus made answer by this similitude or apology. A certain fisher (quoth he) beholding in the sea great plenty of fish began to play very pleasantly on his pipe surveying that at the sweet sound of his harmony the fish would have leaped out to the land: but frustrate of his hope, in a great heath cast his nets into the sea and inclusing a great number drew to shore where seeing them leap and play upon the dry ground: Nay now (quoth he) you dance to late, seeing it when I piped before, you refused to come. Which speech he used for that having before time disdained his gentle offer being sollicited by him to revolt from Craesus to the Persians: Now when they saw the world changed, and the event of things not answerable to their expectation, they made offer of their service, and signified themselves ready prest to do his commandments: wherefore moved with displeasure against them with this brief answer he sent then away. The people of Ionia hearing this, repaired everyone to their own cities, to fortify and make strong their wallls. Having before by a general counsel or synod assembled themselves in Panionium where they all met saving the Milesians whom Cyrus received into favour, under the same condition as he had taken the Lydians, to the rest of the Ionians it seemed best by common consent to send legates into Sparta, as well to certify the Lacedaemonians of their present estate as to crave and implore their assistance. The people of Ionia unto whon the temple of Panionium dos belong, have their places of residence and abode so pleasant and delectable, that what for the excellent temperature and mildness of the air and divine benefit and commodity of the mountains, there is no people in alll Greece comparable unto them. For neither the higher region nor the lowr, neither the East comes, nor the west approaches anything near to the excellency thereof, the one being for the most part very could or to much overgone with water: the other (that is to say the higher coast) burnt up and pestered with heat, and dust. The language used in Ionia is not all one, but reduced and brought to 4 fundry properties and forms of speech Myletus the chief city amongs then, bounding to the south, and after it Myrus and Pryne situated in Caria use all one tongue. But the cities in Lydia (to wit) Ephesus, Colophon, Lebedus, Teos, Clazomenae, Phocaea: albeit they agree not in speech with the places forenamed, yet between themselves they speak allike. The residue which are three: two are Isles, Samus and Chios: one in the main called Erithrae, do differ much in phrase and manner of words. Chios and Erithrae jumping in one, the other which is Samus challlenging unto it self a divers and strange form of language from the rest: whereby it is evident, that their speech is quallified by 4 fundry differences.

Of these people were the MILESIANS who under coloure and pretence of fear came to league and covenant with Cyrus. As for those cities that were encompassed by the sea, they had less cause to fear and more to live in greater security then the rest. Both for it the Phaenecians were not yet tributary to the seat of Persia, and the Persians themselves were unaccustomd to sea battles and used no ships. The same for no other cause then that they knew the Graecians to be weak and mightless, and of all the rest, the Ionians to be of least power and smallest valour, withdrew and alienated themselves from the other cities in Ionia. Forasmuch as setting Athens aside there was no City of principal fame in all that toast. so it both other regions There inhabitant, and also the Athenians flatly renounced to be called Ionians many of them being ashamed of the name. whereas contrariwise the 12 cities are not a little proud thereof greatly vaunting themselves under the title of Ionians wherefore having once called themselves Paninoi, they built also a temple, entitling it after their own name Panionium, decryng and consenting never to admit any other to the society and fellowship of the same.  Neither was there any very desirous to be made pertakers thereof saving the Smyrneans. The like thing happened to the Dorienses that inhabit Pentapolis which before was called Heyapolis, who by the general decree and ordinance of the rest, are not suffered to enjoy the liberties of the palace Triopium.

Excluding therefore certain of their own native people for the violation and breach of a law or priuilege belonging to the temple. For in the games of Apollo Triopius certain three footed stools being appointed for him that won the price (which nevertheless it was not lawful to carry out of the temple, but in the same place to make dedication thereof to the god) one Agasicles of Halicarnassus attaining the victory strained cursy with the law, and taking away the stole with him carried it home to his own house: For which deed the 5 other cities, Lyndus, Iallissus, Cameirus, Cos, and Cindus. sequestred Hallicarnassus being the sixth from the right and freedom of the temple: leuiyng a mucle or peine upon the whole City, for the bold enterprise of their vallerous champyon Agasicles howbeit the Ionians seem upon good ground and just consideration to have partd their Country into 12 cities refusing to amplify and augment the number being just so many parts of Peloponnesus, wherein that time they dwelled, even as now also the Acheans, who drove and expelled the Iones out of their proper seat are justly divided into so many parts. The first and principal whrerof is named Palena: after which are recounted Aegyrae and Aagae perpetually washed and moistened with the pleasant stream of the river Crathis which is also called Italicus. In the next place are reputed the cities Bura and Helice, whether the Ionians discomfited in battle by the Achoeans fled for succoure, next unto Helice are these Aegion with the people called Rhypes, also the Rightrenses, Pharenses, and the city Olenus, by the which scoures the swift and main river Pyrus. Last of all Dyma and the Tritaeenses that dwell in the middle tract of the region. These are the 12 several and distinct parcels of Achaea: which afore time were held and possessed by the Ionians, who for the same cause only, and none other kept the number of twelve Cities, without desire to multiply or increase the same. Whom precipually notwithstanding and above others to calll Ionians it were great madness, since the people Abantes also are of the proper lineage and natural stock of Ionia, which nevertheless have estranged themselves from the name of Iones Likewise the Minyans intermiddled and mingled with the Orchomenians, the Cadmaeans, Dryopians Phocenses, Molossians, Arcadyans, Pelasgians, Doors, Epidaurians, and many other nations confused and joined one with another.
Of which number they that went out of the court or castle of Athens named Pritanêum and reputed themselves the noblest and most principal of the Iones (at what time, being singled from the whole multitude of the Athenians they went to dwell in another province) had with them no wives of their own: instead whereof they used certain women of Caria, whose parentes they had before time slain. By reason of which slaughter the dames of Caria, took a solemn vow (which they likewise caused their daughters diligently to observe) never to sit at meat with their husbands, nor call them by their own names. For that having cruely murdered their fathers, their first husbands, and their sons: they had also hailed then poor widows much against their willls, to their unchast and fylyour couchs.

All which things were done at the city Miletus in Ionia.

Furthermore the Kings of Ionia and such as wear advanced to the supreme regiment of the Country: were partly of Lysia come of the line of Glaucus son of Hippolochus, and partly selected and chosen out of the City Pylus, drawing their progeny from Codrus son of Melanthus. Notwithstanding the name and title of the Ionians, they most willlingly hold and embrace, of whom we spoke before: and in very deed are naturally so: howbeit not they only, but all the rest which coming of the Athenians keep and solemnize the festiual days called Arighturia, are subject to the self same name. Which custom of celebration, is uniuersally held and observed of all besides the Ephefians and Colophonians, who by means of a murder committed, are prohibited and restraind therefro. Now it is meet we know that Panyonium is a certain holy and religious place in Mycalle inclyninge to the North dedicated by the whole Country of Ionia to Neptune, surnamed Heliconius. Mycalle is a promontory or high place lying in the firm land towards the sea, the wave side whereof pertains to the Samus. To this mountain the people called Iones assemble and gathered together, to perform the ceremonies of immolation and sacrifice, which they call by the name of the place Panionia. It is to be noted also, not only in the solemnity of Ionia, but in the feasts and religious days of all the Graetians, how like unto the name of the Persians they end all in a letter.

We have heard then of the cities of Ionia, what and how many in number they are, it follows,  that we speak of those that are in Æolia which are these Cumae, which is also called Phryconis, Larissae, Newallle, Teuus, Cylla, Notium Ægyroessa, Ægaea, Myrina. Crynia. And these eleven were the ancient cities of Æolia. Hereunto was added in time past Smyrna, a city belonging to this region, which now hangs as it were between the Ionians and Æolians, and is reckoned for part of neit her. Otherwise (as we see) both the nations had been equal in the number of cities. All the towns of Æolia are spred in the main in power and dominion going beyond the Iones but in the temperate calmness of the air coming far behind them. The occasion and means whereby they lost Smyrna was this.  Having entertained the Colophonians driven from their Country by civil tumult and sedition: the people of Ionia bearing grudge and malice towards them, lay in diligente weight to surprise and take their city. Which thing they did at such time as the Smyrneans were busied in the solemnising of Bacchus festiual, which they usually kept without the city. The Iones therefore when everyone went out stale privily into the city, and shutting the gates held possession by violence. Which thinge being known and speedy help yielded from all parts of Aeolia, they fell to condition that restoring to the Smyrneans alll their necessaries and movable goods, it should be lawful for them to hold the city in peace: whereunto the contrary part having given their consent it was agreed by the eleven cities of Aeolia to divide the rest between then, everyone making choice of their own citizens. Such therefore and so many in number are the cities of the main, excepting those that inhabit Ida, which are not referred to the former accompt.

This also: Lesbos is peopled with five sea Cities planted in islands: having once also possessed the sixth
called Arisba, with the Methimneans, seduced and withdrew from the rest, as allied to themselves in kindred and lineage.

There was also a City founded in Tenedos, and another in the place called the hundred Iles. Now the people of Lesbos and Tenedos with the rest of the Graecians environed by the sea, had no cause to be dismantled or troubled. But the other cities of the land determined to take such part as the Iones did and to follow them. Wherefore the ambassadours of both nations in short space landing at Sparta: they chose one Pitheremus a Phocaean to be the mouth of the rest, and to reveal their suit to the Lacedaemonians, who at it fame of the ambassadours arrival flocking together in great heaps, Pitheremus stood forth and in many words moved the Lacaedemonians to employ their aid and assistance to succour the rest: but they giving little ear to his talk without purpose to move one foot in the behalf of Ionia sent them away, Pitheremus and his company in this wise repulsed, made speedy return to Ionia. Howbeit the Lacedaemonians desirous to understand the success of Cyrus, and the Graecians sent forth a bragandine or ship of spies to pry and listen how all things wente. Who being suddenly driven to shore at Phocae a spied one Lacrines the stoutest champion in the route of Sardis, where king Cyrus made his abode to give him to wit from the Lacaedemonians that he should not endamage or abuse the Grecians any way under pain of their, heavy wrath and displeasure.

Cyrus hearing the bold message of Lacrines, demanded of certain Grecians that stood about him, what manner of fellows the Spartans were, and how many in number, which after he understood he made him this answer.

Verily (my friend said he) I never stood in awe or fear of those which in the middest their City have avoid place whereby mutual oaths, fained vows, and protestations, they defraud and cosin each other: whom if the Gods spare my life I will one day cause to leave of the regard of other men’s miseries and bewayle their own. Which words were uttered by Cyrus in mockage and derision to alll the Grecians, for having such wide and wast marketplaces, for open sail and merchandise. For the Persians neither have any such place for exchange and chapmandry, neither are troubled at any time with buying or selling.

After this leaving the rule and government of Sardis to one Taballus a Persian: and having in like manner given one Pactyas a man of the Country of Lydia in charge with the goods of Craesus, and the rest of the Lydians accompanied with Craesus, he took his voyage towards Ecbatana, the chief City of the Medes and having no great regard of Ionia, Albeit they were first to be dealt withal (as scanning more sedious in his head touching the Babilonians, Bactrians, Sacans, Egyptians, all which he determined to assail by war) he sent against the Iones some other of his captains. Being newly departed from Sardis Pactias caused the Lydians to rebel from Taballus, and the Persians, and having in his custody all the wealth and treasure of Sardis he took sea and leavied a power of hered soldiers, procuring the help and supply of all the cities lying on the shore. Who being moved by his earnest entreaty joined with him: and removing his tents to Sardis, forced Taballus to take the tower for his defence and safeguard, where he planted his army in a siege against him. Tydings hereof being brought unto Cyrus, who was yet in his journey, he turned himself unto Craesus, and spoke on this manner. When will it be O Craesus (quoth he) that I shall be quiet and have nothing to do? will the Lydiaus never leave of to trouble me and themselves in such wise? were I not best to make slaves of them and keep them under by miserable thralldom and bondage? For in this that I have already done I am not unlike to him that having slain the father, takes pity on the children. Forasmuch as I have led the away captive being more then a father to the Lydians: and restored to themselves their city again. So that I cannot but greatly marvel what cause might move them so suddenly to cast of obedience and become disloyal.

Craesus fearing least in his fury he would have beaten down and defaced the city: began thus (and said) most worthy Cyrus you hast spoken very well and wisely: yet nevertheless it behoveth you to moderate your anger, and not to suffer a City of so great fame and antiquity to be wholly overthrown: which (the Gods do know) is all together innocent both of the former offences that were done against you and of the presente treason which is now in hand, the first trespass (o King) I did myself, and I smart for it: the second has Pactyas done, and let him feel the price of it. But to the Lydians (noble prince) show mercy and compassion, and find some means by enfeebling their strength to prevent their courage, and to take from them all occasion of treason heareafter.

Command therefore that no man amongst them be found to keep any war like weapons in his house: ordaining besides that aboard their coats they wear cloaks, drawing on their feet pumps and buskins, enjoin them to bring up their children in playing on the cithren, in singing, in keeping of taverns and vintning houses: and undoubtdly you shall see that of valiant men and warlike people they willl shortly become effeminate and like unto women: it there shall be no cause to fear least ever hereafter they rise against you. These things Craesus put into his head, thinking it better for the Lydians to live in this sort then to be commonly sold for slaves and vassalls, knowing that if in case he had not framed a very reasonable device, he could never have removed Cyrus from his purpose. It is also to be thought that he feared least the whole nation of the Lydians should be clean rooted out and destroyed by the Persians if escaping this at any time hereafter they sought to rebel. Cyrus right glad at the counsel and device of Craesus, gave him promise to do thereafter, wherefore callling unto him Mazares a captain of the Medes, he warned him to charge the Lydians with the accomplishment and performance of alll those things that Craesus had told him: with a straight commandment to let none of those escape unsold for bondmen which had accompanied the Lydians in the assault of Sardis. As for Pactyas the principal, he commanded him to be taken and brought alive. Which things after he had left to the discretion of Mazares, he proceeded immediately towards Persia his native Country. Now Pacyas having knowledge that the army drew near, raised the siege and fled to Cumae, whom Mazares speedily arrived at Sardis, and hearing him with the rest of his company to be vanished away. First of all bound the Lydians diligently to perform all those things that Cyrus had commanded. In the next place sending messengers to Cumae to will them to render and yield up Pactyas. The Cumaeans took
counsel together and decreed to send Branchyde to the God enquiring of him what was best to be done. For as much as in the place rested an oracle very ancient and of long continuance, which semblably the people also of Ionia and Aeolia did use and frequent. This prophecy was situated in a certain field of the Milesians about the haven Panormus whether the Cumaeans at this time sent for advice in their affairs, demanding what they might do in this case it might seem most acceptable and approved to the gods. Answer was made that Pactyas should be restored to the Persians: which the people hearing and thinking it wisdom to obey the oracle, were fully minded so to do. Howbeit, the more part of then bending and inclining hereto one Aristodicus born of Heraclides, a man of no small accompt amongs them, either for that he believed not the oracle or mistrusted the messengers that were sent unto it, earnestly withstood that tooth and naile, in no wise suffering the Cumaeans to obey the voice and suggestion of the God, whereupon it came to pass the other messengers were sent the second time, together with the priests and religious men of the City, Aristodicus himself making one of the company, who being come to the place where the god held his seat, humbly besought him in these words. There came unto us (O king) a certain Lydian named Pyctyas prostrate in alll humility, pitifully craving and beseeaching us to save and assist him fron the violent and cruel hands of his spiteful and enraged enemies we (Albeit dreading the might and power of the Persians:) yet have not delivered him, until we understood of your divine wisdom what pertained to us to do in so doubtful a case. Having ended his speech, he received the like answere as before, the Pactyas was to be yielded into the hands of the Persians: where with all Aristodicus being angry of set purpose wrought this fact. As he wallked about the temple certain young sparrows and other birds that built there he took out of their nests and suddenly a voice was heard out of the inner part of the temple saying: you wicked and malicious wretch what makes you in this sort, to spoil the nests of my innocent suppliants, whereunto Aristodicus answering: (o king quoth he) do you so greatly favour and regard those that fly unto you for succour, and yet bid the Cumaeans to deliver Pactyas into the hands of his enemies? To which the God replying. Truly, said he, I bid you all go to the devil, and never hereafter to sollicite this oracle about the restoring of your suppliants. The Cumaeans certiftied of this last answer determined neither to give up Pactyas to be slain of the Persians: nor yet by keeping him still to bring Cyrus to the subversion and ruin of their City. Wherefore they sent him secretly away to Mitelaeane. But Mazares in like sort making challenge of him from thence, the Mitylinaeans covenanted upon a certain price to surrendr him. Which notwithstanding I dare not avouch and verify for that the matter came not to full issue and perfection. The people of Cumae understanding in what distress Pactyas was at Mitilaene, sent a bark to Lesbos, where he went aboard and was speedly landed at Chyus, where having taken sanctuary in the guardian temple of Minerva, he was nevertheless hailed out violently by the Chians, and given to his enemies. The Peraeans gave in reward to the City Chius a certain field of Mysia named Aetarnaeus right over against Lesbos.

By this means was Pactyas in war with the Persians, when opportunity served to be given into the hands of Cyrus. Nevertheless of the fruits and increase of Atarnaeus, for a longe time after the people of Chius, neither made any barly cakes to offer to the gods, nor wrought any past of the meal thereof for junkets and banquetting dishes. And in brief whatsoever the ground yielded they flatly abolished from the service and worship of the gods. Pactyas being betrayed by the Chians, Mazares without further delay led his army against those that had ministred aid to him in getting the city, and conquering the Prynses, he began to waste and depopulate the fields of Maeander, giving the whole pray and booty to his soldiers.

Which done, in semblable manner he gave the onset to Magnesia, and lastly attached with extremitie of sickness, finished his life. In whose stead Harpagus,  who was also a Mede, guided the army. This was he whom king Astyages entertained with a banket of his son’s flesh: and by whose means Cyrus before time aspired to the estate royall. To him the chief government of the army was nextly committed: who coming into Ionia, entrenched many cities and took them. For having first of alll compelled then to use the refuge and defence of their walls, he raised bulwarks against their towns, and with small force caused them to yield. In which manner he wanne Phocaea, the chief city of the Iones, the people whereof first of alll the Grecians wandered on the sea in long and ample voyages, finding out and discrying both the Countries themselves, Adria, Tyrrhenia, Iberia, Tartssus, and the nearest coast also and rediest way of navigation to the same. At which time they had in use no beaked or snowed ships armed with a pyke or stem of iron, but smaller and lighter vessels driven with ***eres apiece. These at their first arrivall to Tartssus, were very wellcome to the king whose name was Arganthonius and by whom the kingdom had ben governed 80 years, living by the space of 120.

Who made so passing much of the Phocaeans; and showd them so curteous entertainment, that he left it in their power to chose any part of his kingdom to inhabit, whereunto not able to allure them by any persuations, and hearing by them how the power of Harpagus dayly increased, he gave them an infinite sum of money to environ and compass about their City with a wall. The circuit of their walll being no small number of furlongs in scope and compass, framed and compactd of great and huge stones laid together with singular cunning: by this means was the walll of the Phocaeans builded. Against whom Harpagus encamping his power gave fierce and mighty assault to the city, giving them understanding withal that it should suffice and content him if they would throw down but one fortress or gardure of their wall for himself to build an house on. But the Phocaeans abhorring nothing more then seruitude and loss of liberty, required of him one day’s deliberation in the cause, and for that while to reclaim his army from the walls Harpagus (albeit as he said) he very welll knew what they meant to do nevertheless, granted them space to breath and bethink themselves. The army going from the city, forth with the people of Phocaea with their wives and children and all their fubstaunce took sea, in shipping besides all the images of their temples and gifts offered to the gods, saving those that were of iron or stone or only painted and wrought in colours. Which done with all their carriage they sailed into Chius, Phocaea left desolate without any liuig creature in it was the next day taken by the Persians. The people where of having cheapened of the Chyans the Iles Oenusiae (who refused to sell them fearing least the mart and custom of merchandise should be translated from their own Ile, thither) departed thence into Cyrnus.

Where twenty years before lead by a certain prophecy they had founded a city named Ætallia. While these things were doing Argathonius the Tarcefian King died. But the Phocaeans holding their course toward Cyrnus turned out of the way and came to their old City where they save the garison and power of the Persians planted there by Harpagus for the possession and custody of the City. Cursing and banning those with most blasphemous and execrable speeches which should seek to leave their company and turn behind.

Wherewithall taking a fiery wedge of hot iron, they cast it into the sea, deeply vowing never to return to their city Phocaea, before the iron rising from the bottom of the water should **ote aloft and swim one the top. Howbeit launching towards Corsica: the half part of the rows were moved with a great longing and desire of their Country, and the manners and customs thereof, insomuch that many of them without regard of their oath, returned back to Phocaea. Others lead with a greater care of their late vow, leaving the Iles Onusae, went straight to Cyrnus.

Where being come on shore, for term of 5 years they joined fellowship with other their Countrymen which before time were shed from the city to inhabit that place, making ordinance and appointment of divine service and honour to the Gods. Nevertheless being accustomed in manner of enemies by open pilage to spoil and destroy the fields of their neighbours round about: the Tyrrhenians and Carthaginians determined by common consent to encounter them by power of war having furnished to the same end a fleet or Nauthe of threscore ships. The like number on the other side being provided by the Phocaeans, well stored and replenished with soldiers they set forth to meet the enemy in the sea called Sardonium. Where joining in battle the Phocaeans obtained a victory much like unto that of Cadmus. For of threscore vessels fourty being sunk and overwhelmed in the sea, the other twenty were so mangled and torn, and the noses and stems thereof blunted and beaten back, that they served afterwards to small use. Retiring therefore to Ætalia they took their wives and children with the rest of their wealth as much as could well lie aboard and removed from Cyrnus to Rhegium. The men wherewith the drowned ships were filled, look how many escaped the water and came into the hands of their enemies (which happened to many) at their coming to land were stoned to death. Ensuing which murder their cattle and people of the Agilleans, as many came into that place where the men of Phocaea were stoned were either scorched and blased all with lightning or attached with extreme fury and madness. For which cause the Agyleans willing to make satisfaction for the offence, sent to Delphos, where Pithia commanded them to do all those things which they hold and observe to this back: annually performing to the Phocaeans that were slain the solemn pomp of funeral exequies with a game of wrestling and exercise of the body.

Such was the event and success of those people after they forsook their Country soil. Of which route and company they which escaped the dent of battle and cut the seas to Rhegium, planted a city in the Field of Oenotria, called Hyêla: being thereto moved by the advise of one Posidoniates, a man very well esteemed and thought of in all the land of Phocaea. In this manner did Fortune deal with those that dwelled in Ionia.

The very like thing chanced to them that held the city Teios: whose town by means of a vulwarke cast up against the walls being at a pointe well vanquished and overcome by Harpagus, they passed the seas into Thracia, finishing the City Abdêra in the same place: the foundation and ground whereof was first laid by Temesius Clazomenius. How be it, not enjoyinge the fruit and due guerdon of his labour, he was driven thence and expelled by the Thracians. Albeit, the men of Teios in the selfsame City of Abdêra have him in honour and reputation of half a God. These people only of the whole nation of Ionia moved with hate and disdain of bondage, left the places, where they alll were naturally resident, and sought foreign and strange countries. The rest remaining (except the Milesians) took heart at grass, and fought both stoutly and valiantly in the behalf of their lands and liberty.

But the fortune of war proceeding against them, they came into captivity. And abiding still in their own seats, did as they were commanded. Only the Milesians (who were in league with Cyrus and the Persians) as we said before, were quiet and void of trouble. By this means was Ionia the second time bereaved and spoiled of their liberty. The people of the Iles perceiving the main land to be all under the dominion and rule of the Persians: fearing the worst yielded themselves to Cyrus to be at his pleasure. Now the Ionians albeit in very miserable estate and condition, yet losing their old haunt and accustomed meeting at Panionium, the fame is that one Bias  a Prienian gave them such counsel, as had they pursued it with diligence, they had lived in the most happy and blissful estate of alll the Grecians. His advise was this, that the people of Ionia abandoning their own houses and places of habitation, should embarke themselves to Sardinia, and there for their whole multitude to build and erect a city to be held and inhabited by them all in general which doing they might cast of the yoke of the Persians, and having in their dominion the greatest and most principal of all the Iles, might also hold the chief rule and dominion over all the rest. This was the counsayl of Byas, to the poor afflicted Iones.

Not much inferiour to this was the grave advice and sentence of Thales  whereby he provoked and stirred up the people before their captivity to the institution of one general parliament to be commonly held at Teios both for that the city was fixed in the midle part of the region, and that the other Cities round about, might nevertheless be reckoned as tribes appertinent thereto. This was the wholesome doctrine and wise counsel given by these 2 learned sages to the people of Ionia. Harpagus after his triumph over Ionia, directed his power against the Caryans, Caunians, and Lifians, leading with him the Iones and Æoles. Of which number the Carians forsook the Iles to come dwelll in the main. For in ancient time they were under the authority and governement of Minos, bearing the name of Lelages, at what time also they were resident in the Ilands without rent or pension of tribute, as far as I can learn by the diligent scrutiny (and hearsay) of times forepast and consumed. only they were leavied at a certain number of ships furnished and prepared with men of arms as often as it seemed good to the Prince.

Moreover King Mynos enjoying a very large and ample Oilion, very fortunate in the event of war. The nation of Caria was exceedingly advanced above the rest in royal fame and dignity: of whom the Grecians borrowed three principal things, first found out and deviced by them. It was their invention to wear a Crest or Cope on their Helmets, to paint and set forth their Targets in gallant show and bravery of colours: last of all the steel or handle of the shield came likewise fron then, whereas, before they used no steels, but hanging them about their necks and right shoulders, with listes and thongs of leather they moved and guided them to and fro. A long time after the Caryans, the Doors also and Iones changed the Isles with the main or continent, and roused then there: alll which things are affirmed of the Carians by the people of Creta. From whom the Caryans themselves do greatly dissent and swarve in opinion, constantly avouching how from the beginning and beyond all memory, those seats have been held by them without change or mutation either of name or place. In testimony whereof they show the temple of Iupiter Carius, founded at Mylassus whereunto the Lydians also and Misians have common resort as allied to the Carians in near kindred and affinity. For the Carian calls the Misian and Lydian brother, whereof it comes that they use all one place of prayer and worship to the powers divine. All other nations beside though in tongue they differ not from your Carians, yet are they not joined with them in fellowship of sacrifice and service to the Gods.

The people Caunii, though they fetch their Progeny from Crete, yet (as it seems to me) they rest now in their natural Rest where in they have always ben resident. Their speech or form of phrase they have drawn from the Caryans, or the Caryans derived theirs from them: whereof I am not able to set down an absolute and infallible sentence. The laws they use are very divers and strange, both from the manners of Carya, and other Nations. Forasmuch as with them it is a very laudable custom and highly commended according to the respect and degree of age, for men, women and children to flock together in companies to open feasts and bankets. The state of their religion and manner of ceremonies accustomably used by them were first taken from foreign Nations: wherewith after being wearied and discontented, they tied themselves to the Saincts of their own Country. The self same taking Weapons in their hands marched forward like mad men till they came to the Callyndian hilles, beating and swinging the antes alledging that they banished out of their coasts, strange and foreign Gods. Such were the manners and customs also of those people. But the Lycians most assuredly are an offspring and branch of the Cretenses: for in the beginning Creta was inhabited by the Barbarians, but afterwards the sons of Europa, Sarpêdon, and Minos, falling at variance for the Empire, Minos getting the better of his brother, chased him and all his consederates out of the land: who being dispossessed of their seats seized upon a Region in Asia called Mylias, which name at this day is sometime attributed to that place where the Lycians dwell. Mylias so properly called, having at that time to name Solini. During the rule and governance of Sarpêdon they were called by the name which they brought with them. Which is to say, Termiliae, which as yet is held and retained of those that lie next unto them. Howbeit Lycus the son of Pandion being driven from Athens by the rigour and violence of his Brother Aegêus, and coming to Sarpêdon Prince of the Termilians: in continuance of time it came to pass that they took the name of Lycus, and were called Lycians. They accustomd themselves to the laws of Creta, and Caria. Albeit they have one thing of their own proper and peculiar, whereby as by Badge, or cognizance they are seperated from other nations, in that they call themselves by the names of their Mothers not of their fathers: as if the question be demanded of any of them what he is, or whose son, the manner and use is to blase his pedigree from his mother, rehersing besides his mother’s mother and so upward.

Over and besides, if a woman free born couple herself in matrimony with a slave or bondman, nevertheless their Children and seed generally shall be held and accompted free.

Contrarywise if a man free by birth and nativity shall join in wedlock with a foreign woman, or one that is reputed for a scallant or common strumpet, their discent and issue shall be always signed with the note of infamy, and never be called to any degree of credite or estimation.

Furthermore the people  which at those times held the dominion of Caria without achievance of any famous or notable act were conquered and overcome by Harpagus. Neither were the Carians only destitute of the glory and renown of noble deeds: but the rest also of the Grecians there about lurked in silence and had their name darkened and overwhelmed with obscurity. There kept residentes in those places as well others, as also the Cnydians, which were a remnaunt of the Lacedaemonians thither drawn and derived, whose region winds to the sea called Tryopium and is almost on every side hemmed in by the sea. The North part being limitted with the salt waves of Ceraunium: the southside by the Rhodian and Simanian sea. The rest which is a very narrow straight, not passinge five acres in breadth: the people of Cnydus (while Harpagus was busied in the affaires of Ionia) thought to have digged a way, and in so doing to have brought their Country into the form of an Island giving free course and passage to the sea on every side. For their whole territory was within the broken circle of the sea: joining to the main or firm land in that straight where the waters almost meet, which space they were in mind to have trenched throughout, whereby the sea in manner of a circle might have his full scope and issue about the Ile, whereto employing their whole force and endevour it chanced them in the midst of their toil to be taken in many parts of the body, and chiefly with an extreme smarting and soreness of the eyes. Whereupon resolving to send to Delphos to Apollo, they inquired of him what it might be that so greatly hindered them to proceed in their enterprise.

To whom Pithia made answer in certain verses consisting of six feet after this manner.

Seek not to save your seat

by trench or heaped pyle.

If mighty Jove had pleased

Your land had ben an Ile.

This answere received, the Cnydians made holiday, and attempted no further to delve the ground. Wherefore Harpagus invading their Country with his army they submitted themselves without resistaunce. More then this, somewhat about Halicarnassus in the region dwelll the Pedaceans: with whom at the show or appearance of any danger or misfortune either to themselves or their neighbours, it falls out that Minerva’s Priest has continually a longe beard: which happened unto them three sundry times.

These alone of all the people in Carya kept Harpagus at lenghth of weapon, and defended their city a long time, fencing the mountain Lyda with principal guard and munition, howbeit in the end they were driven to yield. From thence Harpagus moving his tents into the fields of Xanthus was encountered by the Lisians. Who albeit they were fewer in number, nevertheless hardened themselves to all extremity and with manful courage sustained the might and puissance of their enemies. Who prevailing against them at the last made then to recoil and take their City. Whereinto being entred, they took their wives’ Children, and all their substance and shut them up into the Tower or castle of the city, and setting fire to the same without pity or regard they burnt them alll. And immediately after binding themselves with a most horrible and dreadeful oath, they closed the second time with their enemies: with whom they persisted in valiant fight: so longe as one man of their number remained alive.

All the Lycians which are called by the name of Xanthians, and foreigners and arrived from strange places,
except 40 families, which by fortune at the same time being out of the city escaped death. By this means came Xanthus into the hands of the Persians. In like manner also the city Caunium was taken by them whose people for the most part followd the example of the Lycians. Harpagus therefore having added to the seat of Persia all the cities the lowr: the superiour and higher parts thereof Cyrus by his own proper mart and valiancy had overcome and vanquished leaving no part of the same free and unsubdued. Wherefore in presence we will leave of to speak of the rest of their noble acts and deeds, letting pass many things wittingly for desire to reveal and display those things which to themselves were most laboursome and difficult and deserve to be printed in eternal memory.

Now when king Cyrus had brought into his power all the nations that lie in the main, he levied his whole strength against the Assyrians. There be many and great cities of Assyria, but above all one speciall and principal, both in defence and dignity surmounting the rest, by name Babylon, where after the occasion and ruine of Ninus was planted the seat and pallace of the great King. This city had the foundation and being in a wonderful huge plain: and was built and contrived into a four square form: every side thereof containing in length an hundred and twenty acres. Whereby it is evidente that the circuit and compass of the whole city amounted to the sum of 480 acres of ground, so great and of so huge bigness and amplitude was the mighty City Babylon. Moreover within the wallls faire and beautiful passing measure, garnished and set forth with rich and sumptuous buildings, as no City whereof we have notice approaches anything to the incomparable dignity of the same.

First of alll it is cast about and encompassed with a wide and deep ditch filled and implet with water, in the next place is raised a wall 50 royall cubits in thickness and 200 in heigth: a cubite royall contayning three fingers more then the vulgare and common cubit, which we usually follow in measuring. It shall not be impertinent to the matter to show and declare to what use and service the earth was employed, which was cast and voided out of the trench, as also in what manner and form the wall was built.

Of the clay cast out, and cleansed from the ditch were drawed and framed certain bricks, which arising at length to a great multitude they were dried and burnt in a kill or fornace.

Afterwards closing the same together with morter betwixt every thertieth course or row of bricks they laid the tops of canes or reeds dipped and steeped in boiling lime, and first of in this manner they curbed and guarded about the brincks of the mote with a list or hemme of bricks observing also the self same art in the frame and workmanship of the wall.

On the top of the walll along the edges and margentes thereof were built and situated certain small houses one story high facing and full opposite one to another, between every of the which was so much space and distance, as a cart might have gone between them.

Through the walls there opened an 100 broad gates for passage and ingresse into the City all of brass, with posts and hinges of the same. Eight days journey from Babilon is placed a city called Is, fast by the which flows a river of no great bigness, named also Is, carrying his stream into the flood Euphrates: this seely brook scours through his chanel great plenty of lime whereof they had principal use in the building of the walls of Babilon. Of the form and description whereof suffice it thus to have spoken. Howbeit, it behoves us to understand that the City Babylon is cut and sundered in twain by the main stream of the right river Euphrates: which is very great deep and swift of course and taking his first issue from the mountains of Armaenia, breaks at the length and empties it self into the red sea.

The partition of the walls made by the intercourse of the river shoots upon the banks on either side, which are breasted out and fortiftied with a countremure of brick to keep the waters from flowing into the City. The City itself is replenished with houses four stories in height being also divided, and as it were chekered into fundry streets and lanes some leading long ways, other some cross and overthwort, at the end of one street opens a brazen door through the wall and counterguard of the river, whereby the people have access to the water. And this walll is in defence of the City against the violence of the flood. Moreover in either part and region of the City there is another wall, not much inferiour in strength, albeit in thickness somewhat less then the former. One of these in the one part of the City encloses about the stately court and residence of the Prince exceeding strong, and of a mile compass. Likewise in the other part of the City is a wall, in the circle and closure whereof is contained the Temple of Iupiter Belus, whereunto entry is made through the wall by mighty brasen gates, standing yet in this our age, to the open view and beholding of travellers. This wall is built in manner of a quadrangle, four-square, being on every side two acres long. In the midst of the Temple stands a tower of sound work, very firm and solid, without vaut or holowness, a furlong thick, and as much high: on the top of the which was planted another tower, which in like manner upheld and underpropped the therd: whereupon likewise were five other turrets placed, each taking his ground and foundation from the top of another. On the outside of every tower do wind certain degrees of steps or stairs leading to the top or highest part of the same. In the midway up the stairs are framed certain seats or benchs for those that go up to rest and breathe by the way. In the top or supremity of the highest turret is another Chappel, within the which is placed a bed decked with most costly and sumptuous furniture, besides the which stands a beautiful table of fine gold. In this sacred house or vestry no image is erected, neither does any creature lie in the same, save one woman alone, being of the same Country (as the Priests of Babylon affirm) and such a one, as it pleases the god to choose for his own diet. Who do also constantly report (albeit I am hardly
brought to believe it) that the god himself entering into the Temple, takes up his lodging in that chamber. Like as also it falls out at Thebes in Egipt by the voice and record of the Egyptians, where in the oratory or place of service dedicated to Iupiter Thebanus, a woman useth to lie: who (as also the other of Babylon) is constantly avouched at no time to have custom or fellowship with men. Such is also the prioresse or woman priest at Righterae in Lycia when time or occasion serves, for there the Oracle is not continually held, but at such time as it approches, the Abbess overnight is fast locked and included into the Church. In the temple of Babylon besides there is another temple somewhat lowr, wherein is kept the famous monument of the god Iupiter wrought of gold, near unto the which adjointh a table, which together with the frame and settle thereto belonging, is also of mere and solide gold, esteemed of the Chaldaean priests at the sum and value of 800. talents. At the coming out of the chappel, there is also to be seen an altar of cleane gold: not far from the which stands another of strange and wonderful bigness, whereon are offered all such beasts as are of perfect age and ripe growth: contrarywise on the altar of gold it is not lawful to sacrifice any but sucklings, and such as are newly drawn and taken from the teat. On the greater of the two altars, the Chaldaean Chaplains burn incense to the god, with expence of a C. M. talents of frankincense. In the same temple is also another image of. 12. cubits in length of massy and beaten gold, which albeit I saw not with mine own eyes, yet presuming upon the credit of the Chaldaeans, I have adventured to set it down. This image Darius the son of Histaspes, and King of Persia, would faine have been fingering, nevertheless, for fear of afterclaps, he was contente to cool his therst, and forgo the spoile, howbeit, Xerxes his son and heir in later days rifling the temple, made a booty thereof, having done to death a chaplain who stoutly forbad him to move the image out of his place. With these and such like ornaments was it temple of Babylon gorgeously adorned, besides an infinite number of gifts and presents, franckly given and bestowed to the polishing and setting foorth of so rare and famous a monument.

Furthermore, the genealogy and succession of the Kings of Babylon is very manifold and diverse, of whom jointly with it affairs and estate of Assyria we mean to entreat: part of these laid their wealth and treasure on the trimming and beautifying of the city walls: other spared no coast to enrich and adorn the temples and palaces of the gods. In the lineal discent of the blood royal, mention is made of two women: the one of these reigned five ages before the later, and was called Semiramis. This Queen caused to be cast up and raised great mounts and mighty banks, very wonderful to be seen, which kept the river within the course of his naturall channel, being wont before time to overflow and cover the whole plane. The second Queen named Nitocris was of wit more sharp and subtle, and of much more five invention then the former, by whom both other things were brought to pass right worthy memory, which we purpose to recount: and chiefly this, that perceiving the power and government of the Medes to grow and increase, and as well other towns, as also the city Ninus to be vanquished by then, she forethought all the means that could be deviced, to arm and defend herself against the enemy. First of all the river Euphrates that while by a streight and equal course stream throughout the town, flowing in a right line towards the sea by means of certain trenches cast up and digged for the stream, she drew into a confuse and intricate race, folding and winding many ways, insomuch that in three fundry places it has eftsones recourse unto one little village in Assyria called Arderica so that they which come from the sea to Babylon by the river Euphrates, are constrained to
arrive thrice at Arderica and that also in three several days. This was also one work of hers which she did about it river, the borders whereof besides she has hemmed and guarded in with a bank so strong and monstrous, and what for it unmeasurable higness and bigness of the same, it would greatly astonish those that do view and behold it. Somewhat above the city, a little off from the riverside, she caused a place to be cast and trenched for the receipt of a standing water or poble, which they digged so deep, till they came to the water, extending every way in breadth the space of. 320. furlongs. The earth that was voided herefro was referred and employed to the bancking of the river. The edge and brinks of the pool were laid about and paved with stone. In both which things, as well in turning the course of the water, as in delving the trench or lake, she had this purpose, that the violence of the flood being hindred by so many windings and turnings, might flow in a more quiet and peaceable stream: then, that the passage from the main sea to Babylon might be made more troublesome to the sailers, by the often creeks and circuits of the water: finally, that the next way and readiest right from Media to Babylon being shut up, and intercepted by the mutable course of the river, the Medes hindered from mutable trade of Merchandise with the Assyrians, might be ignorant and unskilfull of her assairs and counsel. Thus did Queen Nitocris on the lowr side of Babylon provide for the safety and good estate of the Realm, having another meaning in the fen or marish which she caused the people to dig above the town, for the City being separate and divided into two parts, by means of the river which flows through the midst, under the reign and dominion of other Princes, whosoever of the Citizens was desirous to go over on the other side, he was fain to be ferred over, and pass by a boate, which could not be void of great toil and trouble, of which extremity by the good invention of Queen Nitocris, the City obtained speedy release by one and the selfsame means, leaving behind two famous monuments of perpetual memory. Wherefore having turned the river into the main gulfe or lake that was cast up and digged in the plain, she incontinently caused mighty stones to be hewed out, squared for the purpose. The flood having a breach and issue another way, within the compass of his own channel became dry and void of water, Nitocris therefore fenced the banks and shores of the river within the City, with a skirt or edge of brick, to save the water from abating and wearing the earth. In like manner the steps leading down from the brazen wickets to the water, she framed of brick laid and mortered together in like sort as the walls. About the midst of the City she made a bridge over the water, built of stone cut and polished to the same end, which she caused to be knit and mortered together with leade and iron. This bridge in the day time she covered with planks of foursquare form, to give passage and recourse to her subjects: which in the evening were continually drawn and removed from thence, to the end all occasion of mutual theft and villany in the night might be foreseen and prevented. The work being ended, she wrought the means for the water to return to his proper course, eftsoones boyding the lake again, which then by continual feeding of the stream, drew to be full. Thus the end proved the delving of the fen to be very profitable and commodious, by means whereof a bridge was made for the use and benfit of the city. The same Nitocris also put in practise this subtle and deceitful invention. Almost upon the most stately and portlike gate of the City in open show and appearaunce to all men, she built her a sepulcher, engraven with this title or superscription: If any of the Kings of Babylon after me shall stand in need or penury of money, let him open the tomb and take as much as he will: but not unless he be driven by extremity, for it shall not be good for him. This sepulcher was so long unmoved, till
the kingdom fell into the hands of Darius, who very much disdaining that he neither had use of these gates (because that over them was placed a dead body, so that he counted it unwholesome to go through them) nor any profit or commodity of the money, especially being allured and provoked thereunto by the Epitaph and inscription, he broke open the monument and looked in, not finding one cross nor ought else save the dead carkass and certain letters, saying thus: unless you had been an unsatiable wretch, and greedy of filthy less, you wouldst never have discovered the graves of the dead. These things are left to memory of the Queen Nitocris, against whose son Labynitus having the name of his father, and the government and principality of all Assyria; Cyrus prepared his whole army, at whose approach the great King gathered a power of men, having made aboundant provision both of corne and cattle. Moreover, great plenty of water was had in readiness, brought from the flood Choaspis, running a little besides Susa, of which river alone the King is accustomably wont to drink. The water of Choaspis being first sudden and after reserved in vessels of silver, is continually born after the King whethersoever he goes by Chariots driven on four wheels, which follow his train in great number.

Cyrus therefore undertaking a journey to Babylon, after he came to the river Gyndes (which proceeding from the Mantien mountains near unto the people Darnei, meets with the river Tigris, whose stream passing by the City Opis, flows into the red sea) he attempted to pass the water, which by no means can be gone over without shipping, where stepping forth a lusty gallant of the army, and mounting on the back of a milkwhite steed, sacred and holy to the gods, adventured in a bravery to take the water, and go over, whom the flood winding and wreathing with in his stream, swalllowd up so that he was never after seen. But King Cyrus greatly aggrieved at the unkind and injurious deed of the river, threatened the water in furious manner, saying, that the time should not be long ere he brought it so low, and to so scant an ebb, that the very women of the Country should dare to go over it, not wetting themselves to the knees, which thing for the vehemency of his rage he immediately put in practise, intermitting and leaving off his voyage to Babylon: wherefore dividing his camp into two parts, he leueled out and drew by a line. 180. trenches on either side of the river, whereinto he determined to drain the water: which enterprise (as in so great a multitude) was at length brought to pass, albeit he consumed the whole sommer in performance thereof. The mighty river Gyndes being in this sort shed and derived into. 360. brookes at the approach of the next spring Cyrus renewed his purpose, and set forth afresh towards Babylon, whom the great King with an hoast of men well prepared, expected and looked for in the field. When he drew near to the city, sign of battle was given, and a fierce encountry made on both sides, but the Persians prevailing, compelled the contrary part to fly into the city, where the Babylonians (for that long before they perceived King Cyrus to be of a busy and an unquiet nature, given to controversy and trouble, intending and dealing with other nations) had made plentiful provision of vittals, and all kind of substenance for many years, for which they lived in security, nothing at all waying to be kept in and enclosed with a siege. Cyrus in like case having a long time laid at the walls without any success or avail, was altogether ignorant of what wood to frame his arrows, howbeit at last, either of his own train, or by the counsel and aduertisement of others, he cast about another way, and wrought thus: placing his army on each side of the city, some on that part where the river enters in, others on the backside where it flows out, he gave commandment, that at such time as they saw the water to fall and become fleet and easy to be waded; they should invade the city by the channel of the flood: leaving therefore his ariny in this order and array, with the unfittest and weakest part of his power, he withdrew himself aside to the pool, made by the handiwork of Queen Nitocris, whether being come, look what before time had been wrought by her while the bridge was building, the self-same also did Cyrus, piercing the bank of the river; and giving a vent to the water to pass into the fen: whereby the streams decreasing, became very shallow, and without danger to those that adventured to pass through which thing being marked by those that stand behind at the walls, they took the river, and wading very little above the knees with manful and valiant courage, broke into the City: whom the men of Babylon (if in case they had foreknown the fact of Cyrus) had not only not permitted to take the Town, but contrarywise had destroyed them all by a miserable death: for having fast barred the little gates that open to the river, and placed themselves partly on the top of the wall, partly on the banks without the City, they had spent and included them as it were in a cave or den from whence they could never have escaped alive: whereas now the Persians stealing upon them of a sudden, were at their elbows before they were aware. In which their distress (so huge was the City in bigness) that (by report of those that dwelled next them) they which inhabited the middle part of the City, were flatly ignorant that the town was taken. Wherefore being a festiual day, they eagerly persued their delight and pastime, disporting themselves with dancing, and all kind of pleasant recreation, untill the case was too plain that the enemies were within the walls. Such therefore were the means whereby the City Babylon was first of all taken and surprised by war. As touching the power and value whereof, we will show many testimonies, this one special and of manifest evidency. The whole coast which is under the governance of the great King, being levied at a certain rent to find the Prince and his army (I mean besides those revenues and pensions which every month in the year are duely paid and yielded to the Crown) at the fourth part of yours rent or subsidie is the region of Babylon rated alone, the other eight parts beéing gahered and contributed out of the whole Country of Asia: so that the puissance and hability of this region is equivalent and matchable to the third part of Asia. The signory also and principality of this part (which the Persians call a Satrapy, that is, a Dutchy or Countey) do in great measure exceed all other provinces that are under the protection of the great King. For so much as Triteachmas son of Artabazus whom the King made his Lieutenant, and principal over this Country, had duely rendered unto him for tribute every day in the week more then eight galllons of silver, according to the Persian measure called Artaba, which exceeds by three quarts the measure that is used in Attica, which they call by the name of Medimnus. Moreover he had a stable of couragious and lusty coursers for the saddle, besides those which were purposely kept and managed for the use of war: to these were added eight hundred stallions or stone horses, with sixteen thousand mares which were covered by those horses, one stallion being reserved and admitted to the covering of twenty mares. Besides all this, so great a multitude of dogs or mastiffs coming of the kind and breed of India were belonging to him, that four great towns standing in the plaine of Babylon, stood at no other revenue, then to find and maintain a company of curs. All which things were peculiar and appertinent to him that was the viceroy or president of Babylon. In the Country of Assyria they have small store of rain: such graine as the land yields being evermore watered by the flood, not after the manner of Nilus in Egipt (which of his own accord rises over the banks, and gives moisture to the fields round about) but partly by the labour and hands of men, partly also by brooks and ditches deriving the water throughout their ground. For through all the region of all Babylon (even as in Egypt also) are drawn many trenches and ditches, the greatest whereof is navigable, and carries ships, bearing to that coast where the sun is at a stand in winter, and reaches from Euphrates to the flood Tigris, near unto the which was planted and situated the city Ninus. This soil for corn and alll kind of grain, is the most battle and plentiful of all others, being very barren and naked of wood: wherein, especially the fig-tree, vine, and olive, could never prosper or come to any proof, but for seed and tillage so fruitful and aboundant, that it never fails to yield increase two hundred fold: and if the ground be very well taken, and the year favourable, it multiplies to three hundred times as much as was cast into the earth. The ears of their wheat and barly are more then a handful broade. Likewise the small seed of Millet or Herse, together with the graive of India called sesamum, to what exceeding growth and tallness they arise in this Country, that almost they seem in manner of mighty trees, Albeit I assuredly know and could justly affirme, yet I will rather keep silence, knowing that those which has ben already spoken of the great encrease of their grain are such, that they far surmount above the common credit and usual course of nature. They use no kinde of oil but such as is made of the seed Sesamum. Palm trees are common with then in every place of the Country, many of the which bear fruit and are very fertile. Part of this fruit they turn and employ to food and sustenaunce, making wine and honey of the rest. The trees themselves they prune and manure not unlike their fig trees. some of these palms (as they use also to do in other) the Graecians call malle trees, the fruit whereof they eat not, but only bind it to the fruit of the female trees, whereof breeds a small worm or fly, which with her sharp and forcked neb bites through the fruit of the female palm, whereby it comes to ripeness and maturity, being otherwise wont to drop off and decay before it arrive to full growth and perfection. For of the fruit of the male palm is bred and produced this little worm, such as come also of a wild fig tree.

Let us now proceed unto that which next after the city it self, is (in my fancy) the strangest mirror and wonder of the whole region. The vessels wherein they are accustomd to pass down the stream to Babylon, are made circlewise, and of round compass, drawn over on the outside, and covered with leather: for the people of Armenia, whose Country lies above the Assyrians, having hewed and smoothed out of willlow certain round vessels very hollow and deep, they cast over a past or covering of leather, applying them both to the use of household affairs to contemn liquor in and such like, and also to row in and pass the water. They have neither head nor tail that a man may point at with his finger, there to be the nose and forepart of the ship, and here the hinder part or stern, but are contrived into a circular form like a buckler or target. The bottom of these vessels they mat and fence with straw or rushes, whereupon laying their chaffer and merchandise, they commit themselves to the water. Their chiefest carriage is small roundlets or firkins of wine, making the cask itself of the leaves of palm. The vessels are governed by two several rothers, at the which, two men continually stand and are attendaunt, the one whereof draws the ster*e towards him into the ship, the other thrusts from him outward. These kinde of ships are marvellous great, and very capable, albeit some of them be of smaller making then other. The greater sort are of power to carry the weight of five thousand talents. In every of which there is one live Ass at the least, and in the bigger three or four. Being landed at Babylon, and having made their mart of such things as they brought, they sell also the wood of their Ships, with the straw, rushes, and such like, loading back their Asses with the skinnes, which they drive home before them into Armenia: forsomuch as to saile upward against the course of the river, it is not possible for them, by reason of the swiftness and violence of the stream, which is the cause also that they make their vessels not of wood, but of skins. After they are returned to Armenia they make provision of other ships, all one in similitude and fashion with the former: such are the vessels wherein the Assyrians ferry down the water to Babylon.

Now for their habit and attire it is on this manner. Their usual custom is to go clothed in two garments, one of linnen down to the feet, another of wollen drawn upon the same: about their shoulders they cast a cloak of white coulor. In their shows following the custom of the whole Country, they use all one fashion, not much unlike the Theban slippers. Their hair very long, tied and bound up behind with a coife. In all parts of their body embaulmed with sweet oils and precious ointments. On their fingers they we are a sign: bearing in their hands a slender rod in form of a scepter, very skilfully and artificially wrought, on the top whereof is carved either an apple, a rose, a lily, an eagle, or some such like thing, being accompted wickedness with them, and against all lawe, to carry a rod or scepter without such an ensign on the top. And thus much for their attire.

The laws which they use are these. One most commendable, and for the singular wisdom and commodity thereof greatly to be regarded. Likewise another, which (if I be not deceived) the people Eneti coming of the Illyrians do commonly practise throughout their whole land. Once in a year they observed this custom. The virgins that were arrived to the due time and estate of marriage, they assembled all into one place, fast behind these stood a great multitude of young men and bachelors. When all were come and the company was hush, there arose up a common cry, proclaiming severally the sail of every one to such as were minded to buy them, and in the first place she that was the paragon and most beautiful damsel of alll the route, was in like manner first published and set forth to be sold, whom someone or other having purchased with a great sum of money, she that was next in beauty to the fairest, was next priced, with a condition annexed, that they which bought should also marry them. Such therefore of Babylon that were of good wealth, and wanted wines, bought up the bravest wenches, every one speeding best for beauty that bad best for the beautiful. The basest sort of yonkers that were not so deintly toothed, conteining themselves with the homeliest lasses, chose rather to take a good nutbrown wench with a dowry, with whom to practise the dalliances of Venus. The market being made of the best and fairest, incontinently the most ugly and foulest dross of the company was by the voice of the crier cited to appear, whom he set foorth and propounded to the liking of any, who with the least expence and smallest charge that might, would be content with a wife. In which sort she stands, til there step forth a mate that will hold himself satisfied with a sluttish wife and a slender dowry, evermore making a gain of those upon whom nature and the heavens had largely bestowed their graces and treasures, whereas with the rest, that were either impotent, lame, or in part of the body disfigured, or generally sluttish and ill-favoured, they endowed with a portion of goods the sooner to procure and get them husbands. Neither was it free and indifferent for any man to place and dispose his daughter to whome he would: nor for the buyer without sufficient warrant or surety of his good usage of her to take her away: but having brought such as should plight their faith and honesty in his behalf, that he should undoubtedly use her in place of his wife, he tooke her with him, whereof if by fortune they could not agree, the law commanded that the money which was given for price of the virgin should be eftsoones restored to the buyer: wherein the custom was not so strict and severe, but that a couple of contrary villages might match together, and enter the estate of mariage one with another, the man always rendering a certain sum and price for his wife if she were worth the buying. This law was very well and wisely ordained by them, which within a while after lost his force, and was utterly neglected: albeit in later days they coined a new device that no man should abuse or anyway injury a woman, nor carry her away into a strange city, for the city being taken, and themselves shamefully intreated by their enemies, in so much that the most part of them had wasted their goods and substance, the poor lay people that were in great extremity and want of sustenance, caused their stock, the care of their honesty and chaste living set apart, to purchase lucre by the common use of their bodys. Another law and statute they had of equal praise and commendation with the first, whereby it was provided that all persons possessed with any grief or disease, should be carried out and laid in the open market place, to the end that (using no Physicians) everyone might give their verdit of their sicknesss and malady. As every one therefore approaches near unto the diseased, if at any time they have had trial and experience of the like pain and distress either in themselves or in other, they let not to minister counsel to the sick, and prescribe such order and diet, as has been heretofore either profitable to themselves, or wholesome to other: utterly abhorring from all law and civility, to pass securely and carelessly by the feeble, and not to enquire the state and manner of his grief. They esteem it no small bliss to them to be buried in sepulchers, resembling very narrowly the custom of the Egyptians in funeralll sorrow and lamentation for the dead. As often as they have society and fellowship with their wiues, placing themselves in seats one over against another, the men take sweet perfume, and burns it, the women likewise doing the very same. At the drawing near of the evening they wash and wrinse themselves very clean, not attempting to touch any thing with their hands, before they have thoroughly cleansed and purged the filth from their bodies, which thing is in use likewise with the Arabians.

The selfsame Babylonians acquaint themselves with an order full of all abhomination and wickedness. All the women of their nation once in their whole lives, resort to the Temple of Venus, where abandoning their chastity, they giue up themselves to be defiled and corrupted by strangers: howbeit, such women as are of great reputation, and have weallth at will, disdaining to sit and accompany with the rest, are drawn to the temple in chariots or litters cast over and covered with a valle of leather: whether being come, leaving the train of their money and servants behind them, they place themselves in seats before the gates of the palace, which is the common use of all such as are of high degree. Within the Church they sit in great multitudes, bound about the temples of the head with garlands of sweet and pleasant flowers, some of them are coming, others going, for certain passages and ways severally made by cords and lines, leade and direct the strangers to such as they fancy best and have most mind to. Moreover, having once taken her seat in the Temple, she never returned home until some one or other of foreign Countries has given her money, and reaped her chastity, who approching near to his lady whome he likes, says thus: The Goddess Militta be favourable and gracious unto you. By this name Militta is Venus called with Assyrians, neither is it lawful to despise the money which is given, how much or how little soever it be, being applied to a sacred and holy use. Neither may the woman be her own carver to reject any it comes to her, but whosoever is her first chapman him she immediately follows without respect of persons: with whom, after she has accompanied for a while, having made her offring to the Goddess, she returns home, for the time to come not to be alllured by mountains of gold to acquaint themselves with any in the like sort. Of this noble route such as are most praiseworthy for beauty and comely proportion of the body, have soonest made their market and are gone, the grossr and baser sort being held by the law to remaine there so long, till they have accomplished the rites and customs of the Country, so that it chances then otherwhiles to abide in the Temple a year or two, yea sometimes three, before the poor souls can be acquit of their servitude. The like ordinaunce is of force and virtue in some part of Cyprus. These are the laws of the people of Babylon, of whom there be three sorts, some which live only by fish, which being purged and dried against the sun, they use in this manner, first they pown and bray it in a morter, which done, they preserve and keep it in linen shetes, whereof they take at their pleasure, and putting thereto liquour, they knead and bake it in manner of bread.

The Persian prince Cyrus having obtained the victory over all the Country of Babylon, was pricked with desire to bring into his power the people of the Massagetes; a nation very large, and in arms couragious and valiant, having their habitation in the East towards the morning sun beyond the flood Araxes, right over against the Issedonians, and being (as some men suppose) a part of Scithia. The River Araxes is both greater and less then the mighty stream called Ister, wherein also are many Iles not inferiour in compass to the Iland Lesbus. The people of those Iles live in the sommer time by all kind of roots which themselves pluck up and gather, reserving the fruit of their trees that is ripe and ready to be eaten for their winter food and substenance. By these people were found out and deserted certain trees, whose fruit being cast into the fire (which they use to kindle swarming together in great flockes) do no gain incharme and make drunken the senses of those that fit by, with the savour and smell proceeding therefro, then their wine do intoxicate the heads of the Grecians, being so much the more idle in their brains by how much the more they burn of the aforesaid fruit: even so far at length, that they fall to singing, dancing and leaping past measure. Now the flood Araxes (like as also the river Gyndes which Cyrus broached and divided into 360 trenches) begins at the Mantien hills parting it self into sixty several streams, the rest (one only excepted) have their endings in fens and marish grounds: where certain people are said to make their abode, which are nourished by raw fishes, being clothed and apparelled in seal skins. The other part of Araxes continues his course unto the sea called Caspium, which is a sea of itself, not permixed and mingled with any other, for as well the salt water through the which the Grecians use to sail, as also the other without the pyllers called Atlanticum, finally, the red sea and it do meet each with other and are all one: but the Caspian waters are hemmed in and enclosed with their own shores, being in length 15. days sail for a light ship that goes with oars: in bredth such that the widest part (which is toward the west) may be passed over in eight days. The west side of this sea is edged in by the mountain Caucasus, being of incomparable height and greatness: upon this hill one people of all sorts inhabiting: very many and diverse sustained by wild food and fieldish reliefe. The leaves which their trees bear are much like unto ours in show, though different in nature: these they beat to powder, and rempering them with a quantity of water they make of them a certain colour of such force and virtue that Painting therewith upon their garments the similitudes of fundry wild beasts, it never changes hue, but even as if the pictures had ben woven and wrought in the cloth: so together with the wool itself they wear out and decay. These men after the manner of brute beasts meddle and accompany with their women in open sight. Now the West part of the sea Caspian being environed by the hill Caucasus, the side which extends toward the East beats upon a large, spacious, and ample plain. The most part of this plain is possessed by the Massagets, whom Cyrus for diverse and weighty causes was stirred up and provoked to assaile by war. First by the remembrance of his birth and infancy, whereby he was moved to think and imagine himself to be more then half a god, far advanced above the mortal estate of human kind. Again not a little puffed up and emboldened by the luck and prosperous achievance of all his adventures wherein fortune showed him so amiable a countenance, that against what nation soever he set his force, the same he caused either to bend or break, always having the better hand of his enemies.

The kingdom of the Massagets after the decease of the prince her husband was held by the most noble and virtuous Queen Tomyris, unto whom Cyrus addressing certain messengers in fained glose of deceiptful words, demanded her marriage: but the prudent and couragious lady perceiving his bent, how not for the love of herself, but for desire of the kingdom he had couloured a suit of dissembled matrimony, flatly forbade him to come within the lists and bounds of her Country. Cyrus seeing his policy to be in vain, lead his power to the river Araxes, in open and professed wise, threatening vengeance and all kind of cruelty against the realm of the Massagets: wherefore having covered the river with certain bridges, whereby to train and convay his army over the water he fortified the same with defence and munition of towers built by the help and aid of ships which he made for the purpose: to whom being diligently conversant and busied in these affaires, Tomyris disrighted an Herald of peace with a message as follows. You king of the Medes, leave of to trouble yourself in those matters which the hast taken in hand, uncertain what gain it shall reape by this thine enterprise: be quiet therefore and be king of thine own, suffring us to enjoy these borders whereof we have the right and chief dominion. But what? disdain you my counsel? prefer you all things before peace and quietness? Be it then, if your hart burn to be dealing with the Massagets, cease your buildings and either follow us 3. days journey into our Country, or depart our coasts and receive us into thine. Cyrus having heard this greeting, assembled together the chief of the Persians and propounded the matter to be scanned among them: who being all of one mind and consenting in one opinion made it no controversie, but it it behoved rather Tomyris with her army to be received into Persia and themselves to retire into their own land: against whom Craesus being of a contrary judgment began to reason and argue in this manner. Truly (O king) as I said before, since it has pleased the mighty Iupiter to deliver me into your hands: whatsoever I shall mark to be amiss in your house the same to the most of my power I willl study to amend: for mine own fortune albeit an unthankful mistress, yet has she been a less on and schooling unto me: if you think yourself a god, and your army immortal, my counsel is not for you, my sentence cannot avail you: but if you acknowledge yourself to be mortal, and to rule over those that be subject to death, learn this first, that the affairs of men are placed as it were in a circle, which being rouled and turned about ne permits the same man to be always fortunate: as touching therefore the question propounded I vary in opinion from all your counsel: for giving liberty to your enemies to come into thine own realm, it is to be feared least at the same time you lose both the victory and your kingdom. Think you the Massagets if they get the better, willl straight ways depart without spoil of your Country? Contrarywise, if you vanquish them what can you win? Certes (O King) not comparably to that as if you beat these Cocks one their own dunghills, so may you follow them presently upon the spurs and set them besides their own pearches. Consider this (noble prince) and if you seem to like it, seek to follow it, and fly not one foot before you perform it: that having done this fond girl to understand your invincible force and prowess, you may follow thine enemies at the hard heels even into the gates and walls of their city. For shame let it not be said at any time, that Cyrus the son of Cambyses did abandon the field and give place to a woman. I think it good therefore to go so far forward, untill they provide themselves, and come forth to meet us: wherein also we have fit occasion to use a policy. It is not unknown to you that the Massegets are unacquainted with the stately diet and magnificency of the Persians: for which cause having left behind us in our tents alll store of delightsome and pleasant meats, with great plenty and aboundance of sweet wines, let us leave the weakest part of our army there, and withdraw ourselves aside to the river: our enemies glutted with riot, and bereaved of their right senses by excess of wine; what may hinder us to take them unawares, causing them to pay the price of their dinner with the loss of their lives. These opinions were uttered as concerning the cause. But Cyrus refusing to be ruled by the Persians, betook himself wholly to follow the advice of Craesus. Wherefore he gave significations to Tomyris to retire back, declaring himself to be ready to follow and give her battle at home in her own Country. The Queen according as she had determined withdrew herself back into the midst of the region.

Now king Cyrus having committed to his son Cambyses the governance and administration of the realm,
he delivered into his hands Craesus king of the Lydians, earnestly charging him upon the duty and obedience of a son, it if his luck in battle were worse then he looked for, he should let pass no part of courtesie, honour, and liberality towards him: which when he had said he sent them away into Persia passing the water himself with his whole power. The same night after he had trained his host over the stream of Araxes there befell unto him a strange vision, wherein being on sleep he seemed to behold the eldest son of Hystaspes having on his shoulders two wings, with one of the which he shadowed alll Asia, with the other alll Europa. Hystaspes (coming of the princely house of the Persian Achemenides and born of Arsaces) had a son named Darius, superiour in years to the rest of his children, being at that time wellnigh twenty years olde, whom his father for that he was too young for the camp, lest at home in his own country. Cyrus awaked from his dream, began to waigh and ponder with him self the drift and intent of his vision, and supposing it to be of no small moment called for Histaspes with whom in secret wise having removed all company he commoned thus. Your son Hystaspes has wrought treason, against me and my kingdom, which his disloyal and malicious treachery. I came to know by this means. The heavenly powers whose providence is a buckler to me against all adversity having chief care and regard of my health, have showed me all things that are to come. No longer ago then this last night I beheld in my sleep the eldest of your children, bearing on each shoulder a mighty wing, and covering with the one all Asia, with the other Europa, whereby I assuredly conjecture his treason which he covertly tends against the crown: hence then, disright and
speed you into Persia, reserve him safely to my next return, that callling him to his trial. I may see by what means he can quit himself of treachery. These things said Cyrus for that he assuredly thought that Darius had tended mischief to his person and privily sought to undermine him in his kingdom. But he reckoned without his host, and was far deceived of his account: for the gods did foreshow, and signify to him how in that place he should finish his life, and that his kingdom at the length should descend to Darius. Hystaspes shaping an answer to the king’s words began and said. The gods forbid (O mighty prince) that any one of the Persian blood should either malice your person or impeach your Majesty: who if he were known a thousand M. deaths were to easy for him. By whom, but only by your aid (most gratious king) were we made of slaves freemen, of subjects and vassals lords and rulers over other? If the gods have accused my child of treason, take him, he is thine own, I yield him up to be dealt withal as it séems the best. His talk finished he immediatly took his passage over the river Araxes, into Persia, for farther assuraunce and charge of his sons appearance at the King’s pleasure.

Cyrus having gained the other side of Araxes, and marched forward one day’s journey, forthwith he did as Craesus had counseled him, leaving in his tents the feeblest and most unapt soldiers of his whole number, and departed thence with the rest to the shores and banks of Araxes, being lightly harnessed and addressed for the purpose. The solely remnant of the Persians appointed to stay behind in defence and munition of the tents, were assailed by the third part of the Massagets power: where using all means to save the tents and succour themselves, they were miserably foiled and slain. The enemy entering the camp and perceiving all places to be furnished with sumptuous prouision of dainty and delicious meates, took the benefit of so good and favourable fortune, and feel freshly to the banquet, in so much that having there stomacks forced with vittels and their heads enchaunted with wine, they were taken with a profound and heavy sleep: when of a sudden the Persians returning from their ambush, came upon them unwares and putting the most part to the sword, the rest they tooke and apprehended alive. Among these was the son of Queen Tomyris named Spargapises, to whom was given and committed the guiding of the army. Tomyris aduertised of her son’s misfortune together with the chance and loss of her subjects, full of stomach and displeasure, sent her legate the second time, and saluted Cyrus on this wise.

You insatiable and bloody butcher boast not yourself of this you has done, for if by the fruit and sap of the Vine (wherewith yourself otherwhiles being filled to the very eyes are free from no madness, vice, and blasphemy) if herewith I say, you have taken and enchaunted my son: it is your policy, not your power: your craft, not your courage that has gotten the the victory. Welll then: once again hear me, and be ruled by my counsel: get you hence yet, and be speedily packing, release my son whom you have in hold: for if in case you refuse and stay but one moment, I swear by the sun the god and king of the Massagets, I willl glut that greedy paunch of thine with aboundance of bloode, wherewith you seem to be insaturable and never to be satisfied. These words with Cyrus came in at one ear and went out at the other, lighter in value then the wind in weight.

Notwithstanding, seely Spargapises son to the stout and couragious Queen Tomyris, being throughly awaked and come to himself, perceiving the case he was in, humbly besought Cyrus to release him and take of his bonds: which done, and having his hands at liberty, he pawnched himself into the belly with a Jauelin, and so died. Such was the end and heavy destiny of poor Spargapises the Queen’s son. Whom his mother greatly lamenting, and seeing her counsel to take no place, gathered a mighty power and fought with king Cyrus in such sort, that of all battles and combats of the Barbarians there was never any so bloody, fell, and cruel on both sides as this. The fight and battle itself was in this manner. First of alll being distant one from another a certain space, they assaulted each other by shot of Arrows, which being spent and consumed, so feirce a close was given on both parts with swords, daggers, and jauelins, that the very fire sparkled out by the force and might of their blows. Thus the battle remained equal a great space, neither part yielding the breadth of a hair to his enemy, till at the length the Massagets prevailing, made a great slaughter of the Persians: wherein Cyrus himself having reigned therty years save one, made a final end and conclusion of his days: whom the wrathful Queen Tomyris seeking out among the slain and mangled bodies of the Persians, took his head and throwing it into a vessel filled with blood, in vaunting and glorious wife insulted over it in these words. You Butcherly tyrant, my son you took by craft and kylled by cruelty, wherefore with yourself I have kept touch. Now therefore take your fill bloody caitife, suck there till your belly crack. In this manner died the noble King Cyrus: of whose death and end since many and sundry things are bruted, it steined us good to follow that, which among the rest founded nearest to truth.

The Massagets are very like the Scithians both in living and attire. There manner is to fight both on foot and horseback, in both kinds exceeding valiant. There weapons which they use are Arrows, spears, and short daggers after the manner, and custom of the Country: all their Harness and furniture is garnished and adorned both with Gold and Brasse: using to their spears Divers and Daggers, Spangs and bullions of brasse: their Costlets, Belts, and the rest of their armour being gallantly set forth and beautified with Gold. In like manner also the curets of their horse are laid and embossed with curious work of Gold: wherewith also are done and beset their rains, bridles, and trappings: being altogether unacquainted with the use of silver, or iron. For the land yielding unto them inestimable plenty of Gold and Brasse, yet of Silver and Iron it is quite voide and destitute.

Moreover their manners are these. Every one marries a wife, which notwithstanding is common and indifferent to all. For that which the Grecians affirme to be done by the Scithians, the selfsame, not they, but the Massagets do commonly use and practise: being of a very certainty, it as often as any of the Massagets is moved with desire of Women, he makes no more ado but hanging his quiver upon the pin of his wain, goth openly to work without any regard. They have no certain end or term of their lives: but as everyone is arrived to the pit’s brink, and grown to extremity of age, him his kinsfolks and acquaintance take with certain cattle and sacrifice him to the gods, whose flesh being afterwards boiled in a Chalderon, they make thereof a solemn feast or banquet. Which kind and manner of death is esteemed with them the most blessed and glorious death that can possibly happen to man. Such as die through any disease or malady, they never eat, but overwhelm and cover them with moulds, holding him unhappy and accursed that lived not to the divine dignity and honour of sacrifice. They sow not one foot of ground, but maintain themselves and live by fish, great aboundance whereof the river Araxes do yield unto them. Their only drinke is milk, besides the which they use nothing. Among the gods they give honour to the Sun alone, unto whom they consecrate and offer up horses: which manner of oblation they ordained for this reason: that to the quickest, and swiftest of all the gods, they might likewise offer the most flight and swift creature that liues on the earth.